Suchergebnisse

U ovom radu autorica piše o povratu židovske imovine u Hrvatskoj, od devedesetih godina 20. stoljeća do danas. Zbog nedorečenih zakona te sporosti hrvatskog sudstva pitanje povrata židovske imovine još uvijek nije riješeno, a uglavnom se aktualizira kada se netko od hrvatskih vlasti sastaje s nekim iz Izraela ili američke administracije. Prema sadašnjim aktualnim propisima jedina židovska imovina koju je moguće vratiti je ona oduzeta nakon 1945. godine, dok je imovina koja je oduzeta u vrijeme NDH ostala nedirnuta, odnosno "zaštićena" zakonima koji su doneseni još za vrijeme Jugoslavije. Sadašnji povrat oduzete imovine provodi se prema Zakonu o naknadi za imovinu, oduzetu za vrijeme jugoslavenske komunističke vladavine, koji je stupio na snagu 1997. godine, pri čemu su pravo povrata ili naknade imali samo hrvatski državljani u prvom nasljednom redu. Zakon je dopunjen 2002., kada je odlučeno da i stranci imaju pravo povrata. Od 2002. godine očekuju se izmjene Zakona o naknadi, posebice one koje se tiču židovske imovine koja nema nasljednika, ali do danas nisu donesene. Točan broj zaprimljenih i riješenih zahtjeva još uvijek je neutvrđen. ; The author discusses the restitution of Jewish property in Croatia from the 1990s to the present. Due to vague laws and the sluggishness of the Croatian judiciary, the issue of the restitution of Jewish property has yet to be resolved. Generally, restitution only occurs when someone from the Croatian government meets with someone from Israel or the American administration. According to current regulations, the only Jewish property that can be returned is that confiscated after 1945, while property confiscated during the regime of the Independent State of Croatia has remained intact, i.e., "protected" by laws that were adopted at the time of the former Yugoslavia. The current restitution of property is being carried out according to the Law on the Restitution of Property Taken under the Yugoslav Communist Rule, which went into force in 1997, according to which only Croatian citizens and their direct heirs were eligible for restitution or compensation of property. The law was amended in 2002, when it was ruled that foreign claimants were entitled to restitution. Since 2002, amendments to this law have been anticipated, particularly regarding Jewish property in cases when there are no heirs, but nothing has been done so far. The precise numbers of claims received and resolved remain unclear.

Pravno uređenje imovinskih odnosa u obitelji znatno se razlikuje u pojedinačnim europskim pravnim sustavima. Prvi će dio rada stoga biti posvećen analizi imovinskih odnosa u braku, u izvanbračnim zajednicama te u životnim partnerstvima osoba istog spola u hrvatskome obiteljskom pravu s ciljem određivanja pravnog okvira. Nadalje, pokušat će se odgovoriti na pitanje jesu li na imovinskopravna rješenja djelovala određena poredbenopravna rješenja i/ili izvori soft lawa, poput Načela europskoga obiteljskog prava u području imovinskih odnosa bračnih drugova. U drugom će se dijelu rada nastojati razmotriti kako bi sekundarno pravo EU-a moglo utjecati na domaće obiteljsko pravo nakon što se u Republici Hrvatskoj budu primjenjivale Uredba Vijeća (EU) 2016/1103 o provedbi pojačane suradnje u području nadležnosti, mjerodavnog prava te priznavanja i izvršenja odluka u stvarima bračnoimovinskih režima i Uredba Vijeća (EU) 2016/1104 o provedbi pojačane suradnje u području nadležnosti, mjerodavnog prava te priznavanja i izvršenja odluka u stvarima imovinskih posljedica registriranih partnerstava. Na kraju, autorica će ponuditi završna razmatranja glede usporedbe između postojećih nacionalnih pravnih rješenja i europskih trendova u području imovinskih odnosa u obiteljskom pravu. ; The legal regulation of patrimonial relations in the family differs from one European legal system to another. The first part of the paper will be dedicated to the analysis of the patrimonial relations in the marriage, in the de facto cohabitations and in the same-sex registered partnerships in the Croatian family law in order to define the legal framework. The paper will go on to deal with the question of whether the national family law has been influenced by some legal solutions from other legal systems or by sources of soft law such as the Principles of European Family Law regarding Property Relations between Spouses. The second part of the paper will deal with the possible impact of the EU secondary legislation on the national family law after the ...

U radu se razmatra Lockeovo poimanje prirodnoga stanja kao prve sekvence njegove kontraktualističke naracije te razlozi za napuštanje toga prirodnoga stanja i dragovoljni ulazak pojedinaca u političku zajednicu. Pojedinci na temelju izričitog pristanka, odnosno društvenog ugovora, postaju članovima političke zajednice. Motiv za stvaranje političke zajednice je očuvanje vlasništva koje je u Lockeovoj filozofiji politike, suprotno teoretičarima njegova doba kao što su Grotius, Hobbes i Pufendorf, pojmljeno kao pretpolitička kategorija. Locke vlasništvo poima na dvostruki način: u širem smislu riječi ono podrazumijeva život, slobodu i imetak pojedinca, a u užem smislu riječi vlasništvo označava samo imetak. Političkoj zajednici kao ustanovljenoj državi namijenjena je samo instrumentalna uloga koja se sastoji od toga da kao nepristrani sudac razrješava sporove, osigura očuvanje imovine te da među pojedincima sprečava moguće nasilje i prevare koje nastaju zbog velikih razlika u vlasniš¬tvu. Država sprečava osobno provođenje prirodnog zakona jer se time politička zajednica i njezini građani štite od pristranosti posrnulih pojedinaca. Autor u članku nastoji ponuditi kritičko-analitičku rekonstrukciju Lockeove argumentacije prirodnog stanja i kontraktualističkog opravdanja same konstitucije i načina djelovanja političke zajednice. ; This paper discusses Locke's conception of the natural state as the first sequence in his contractualism narration, and the reasons for the abandonment of natural state and voluntary entry of individuals into political community. Individuals under the explicit consent apropos social contract become the members of political community. The motive for the creation of political community as the preservation of property was conceived as a pre-political category in Locke's philosophy of politics, contrary to the theorists of his time such as Grotius, Hobbes, and Pufendorf. Locke thinks of the ownership in two ways: in the wider sense of the word, it means life, liberty and property of the individual, but in the strict sense it means to posses property. Political community, established as state, is intended to have an instrumental role which consists of having an impartial judge settling disputes, ensuring the preservation of property, and preventing possible violence and deception among individuals, arising from large difference in the property possession. The state prevents the personal implementation of natural law because it is the way in which the state can protect political community and its citizens from biased troubled individuals. The author seeks to offer the critical and analytical reconstruction of Locke's argument of natural state and the contractualist justification for the constitution and modus operandi of the political community.

Gradska uprava u Varaždinu sastavljala je popise vlasnika fundusa za potrebe ubiranja redovnih i izvanrednih poreza i gradskih pristojbi. Iz druge polovice 17. stoljeća sačuvano je deset popisa od kojih je posljednji, iz 1698. godine, cjelovit, a ostali se odnose na pojedine gradske četvrti. Popisi također donose informacije o broju fundusa koje su posjedovali isusovci, pavlini, prelati, Varaždinski generalat i tridesetnica koji su, kao vlasnici gradskih zemljišta, također bili obavezni plaćati poreze. Porez se plaćao prema veličini fundusa. Analiza prosječne veličine posjeda potvrđuje da su tijekom druge polovice 17. stoljeća povećane ekonomske i socijalne razlike unutar gradskog društva. Stanovnici unutrašnjeg grada posjedovali su prosječno 1,5 - 2 fundusa, a u suburbijima 1,1 - 1,4. Na prosječnu veličinu posjeda utjecali su vlasnici većeg broja fundusa, samostani, Crkva, vojne i civilne službe Kraljevine, čiji broj fundusa raste posebno u unutrašnjem gradu. Oni posjeduju više od 20 posto gradskog zemljišta. Najveći pojedinačni vlasnici su isusovce. Većim brojem fundusa raspolažu također suci, senatori te plemstvo. U suburbijima pratimo suprotan proces, umjesto povećanja, postojeći fundusi se dijele na sve manje čestice. To je pokazatelj veće gustoće stanovanja u suburbijima, ali i sve većeg broja siromašnih građana čija je ekonomska snaga u padu. Uz analizu ekonomskih i socijalnih procesa u gradu popisi su izvor za procjenu broja stanovnika Varaždina krajem 17. stoljeća. Na temelju broja nastanjenih fundusa i prosječnog broja ukućana procijenjeno je da je krajem 17. stoljeća u gradu živjelo između 2850 i 3350 stanovnika. Popisi sadrže, uz ime i veličinu fundusa, informacije o smještaju, vrsti, kvaliteti zemljišta i iznosu plaćenog poreza ili pristojbe te je važan izvor za povijest katastra grada Varaždina. ; The city authorities in Varaždin compiled a number of lists of estate owners with the purpose of collecting the regular and supplementary taxes as well as other levies imposed by the city government. From the second half of the 17th century nine such records have been preserved, the last of which, dating from 1698, is a complete document, while the rest refer only to certain city areas. The records also provide information on the number of parcels owned by Jesuits, Pauline Fathers, prelates, members of the Varaždin Generalate, and customs offices, which, as owners of city parcels, were also required to pay taxes. The amount of these taxes depended on the size of their parcels. The analysis of the average size of estates shows that there is a noticeable economic and social divergence in the city during the second half of the 17th century. While the inner-city inhabitants owned 1.5 – 2 plots on average, in the suburbs the average estate size was between 1.1 and 1.4 plots. The average size of estates was affected by the owners of a larger number of plots, such as monasteries, the Church, and both military and civil services of the Kingdom. The number of their plots, particularly in the inner city is increasing and at the end of the 17th century they own more than twenty percent of city lands. The biggest individual owners are Jesuits. A larger number of plots is also owned by judges, senators and noblemen. In the suburbs, there is a completely different process at work. Instead of augmentation, the estates are being divided into smaller parcels of land. This proves a higher population density in the suburban areas, which resulted in an increased number of the poor and those citizens whose economic power is in decline. Besides allowing the analysis of the economic and social processes in the city, the records are a valuable source in estimating the number of inhabitants in Varaždin at the end of the 17th century. Taking into consideration the number of uninhabited plots and the average number of household members, between 2,850 and 3,350 inhabitants are estimated to have lived in Varaždin at that time. Except for the names and plot sizes, the records also contain the information on locations, types, quality of these lands and the amount of taxes and duties paid. They are therefore an important source in investigating the history of the land register of the city of Varaždin.

Rad iznosi djelomične nalaze istraživanja hrvatskog narodnjaštva, tj. etnonacionalizma kao religije (u smislu ljudskog izmišljanja svetog).* Praktični su problemi sljedeći: narodnjaštvo kao religija, koja među ostalim uključuje to da narod ima mogućnost i/ili sposobnost da se razvije u nositelja države i da treba to i da postane; posljedice narodnjaštva, a to su nedostižnost narodne demokracije, narodne privrede i narodnog sazrijevanja; vjere u narod, i to prvenstveno Katoličke crkve u Hrvatskoj kao uvjeta od 1961. do 1971. te prije i nakon toga, naročito nakon 1990. Teorijski su problemi, tj. neodgovarajuće znanstveno znanje o praktičnima, sljedeći: prvo, odluke Ustavnog suda Republike Hrvatske o etničkim i vjerskim zajednicama; drugo, sustavna historija prava i države Hrvatske i Jugoslavije 1945.-1990.; treće, preobrazba komunizma i katolicizma u narodnjaštvo; četvrto i peto, društvena struktura i predstavljanje/zastupanje. Da bi se postigla opća svrha istraživačkog projekta, a to je upotreba razuma u javnim poslovima, istraživanje je provedeno u teorijsko-metodologijskom okviru integralne teorije prava i države koji uključuje prilagođenu Lasswellovu i McDougalovu političku analizu proširenu historijskim institucionalizmom i kritičkom teorijom prava. Glavna je hipoteza da je vjera u narod kao nositelja države izražena i ustanovljena odredbama Ustava RH da je RH nastala samoodređenjem naroda i/ili da je nacionalna država jednog ili više naroda; da je narod suveren; da pravo na državljanstvo RH imaju pripadnici određenog ili određenih naroda; da pripadnici određenog ili određenih naroda imaju posebna politička prava itd. Dopunska je hipoteza da je puku RH ili, pravno određenije, da je stanovnicima RH s biračkim pravom u RH smanjena vlast, a time i moć u odlučivanju o članstvu RH u transnacionalnim organizacijama, naime NATO-u i EU, te su oni sami svedeni na pravno neprepoznatljiv sastojak time što se u RH ne zna tko čini bilo puk bilo ustav. ; The paper reports partial findings of a research project into Croatian ethnonationalism (Croatian: narodnjaštvo) as a religion (in the sense of a human invention of the sacred). The practical problems are as follows: ethnonationalism as a religion, which implies inter alia that an ethnic community (Croatian: narod) has the potential and/or capacity to develop into, and ought to become, a substratum of the (nation-)state; consequences of ethnonationalism, which include the unattainability of ethnic democracy, ethnic economy and ethnic maturity; conditions of Croatian ethnonationalism, primarily the Catholic Church as a condition in 1961-1971, and also before and after the period, especially since 1990. The theoretical problems, i.e. inadequacies in scholarly knowledge of the practical problems, include inter alia Croatian Constitutional law, esp. jurisprudence of the Croatian Constitutional Court, on powers of ethnicities and disabilities of the people. To attain the general goal of the research project, which is the use of reason in public affairs, the research is carried out within the theoretical and methodological Framework of an integral theory of law and state which includes a modified Lasswell and McDougal's policy analysis expanded by historical institutionalism and critical theory. The paper attempts to demonstrate that there is strong evidence to support the following two chiefly descriptive hypotheses, which are ideal types and as such cannot be supported by conclusive evidence. The main hypothesis is that the faith in a narod as a substratum of the state is expressed and established by the provisions of the Croatian Constitution stating that the Republic of Croatia was created by the self-determination of a narod and/or is a nation-state of a narod, or of two or several narodi; a narod is sovereign; adherents of a narod have the right to Croatian nationality; adherents of a narod have special political rights, etc. The auxiliary hypothesis is that the people (Croatian: puk) or, juridically more precise, inhabitants of the Republic of Croatia with the right to vote have lost a part of their power to decide on the membership of the Republic of Croatia in transnational organisations, namely, NATO and EU, and have been reduced to a legally unrecognizable entity by virtue of the fact that in the Republic of Croatia it is not known what makes either its people or its constitution.

Apart from trade in goods & services, there has emerged a new field of international trade & it is trade in intellectual property rights. Its most important & represented form is trade in patent rights. Possession of patent rights is an increasingly important factor of competitiveness on the international market. This field is very dynamic & therefore there is a need to be constantly followed. In this paper, the author analyses the origin, process of changes & prospects for trade in patent rights. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

Svjedoci smo rasprava o ulozi države u gospodarstvu i o tome gospodari li država dobro svojim vlasništvom. To je osobito važno jer se država u ulozi vlasnika pojavljuje "u ime i za račun" građana. Stoga način upravljanja i raspolaganja imovinom države predstavlja važno političko pitanje, a javnost je po prirodi stvari zainteresirana za to da se imovina koristi racionalno, transparentno i za ostvarivanje javnih, a ne privatnih i partikularnih interesa. U ovom se radu povezuju ekonomska i pravna razmišljanja o tim pitanjima, što dosad nije bio slučaj u domaćoj literaturi. Analiziraju se ekonomski, politički i pravni razlozi aktualnog stanja. Analiza ekonomskih pokazatelja poslovanja državnih poduzeća i pravnog okvira njihovog upravljanja služi kao polazište za preporuke kako unaprijediti poslovanje državnih poduzeća kroz promjene u sustavu korporativnog upravljanja. Glavni alati promjene su profesionalizacija, depolitizacija i privatizacija državnih poduzeća. Rad sadrži preporuke za implementaciju novih institucionalnih rješenja. ; We have been witnessing discussions about the role of state in the economy and whether state-owned property is being managed well. This is of particular importance because the state plays the role of owner on behalf of its citizens. Therefore, the way state-owned assets are managed and used represents an important political issue, and it is in the public's interest for such assets to be used in a rational and transparent manner in order to achieve public interests, and not private or particular interests. This paper combines economic and legal perspectives on the matter, which has not yet been done in the Croatian literature. The economic, political and legal reasons for the current status are analyzed. Analysis of the economic performance indicators of state-owned companies and the legal corporate governance framework serves as a starting point for recommendations on how to improve the performance of state-owned companies through changes in the corporate governance system. The main tools in implementing changes are professionalization, depoliticization and privatization of state-owned companies. The paper provides recommendations for implementing new institutional solutions.

"Kristalna noć" najčešće se povezuje s nacističkim uništavanjem židovske imovine 1938., ali u kontekstu rata u Hrvatskoj neki taj pojam koriste i za uništavanje srpske imovine u Zadru i njegovoj okolici 2. svibnja 1991. Dok se u većini hrvatske javnosti taj događaj ignorira, dio javnosti interpretira ga kao početak progona srpskoga stanovništva u organizaciji Hrvatske demokratske zajednice, zadarskih općinskih vlasti te hrvatske policije. Takav stav uglavnom je posljedica medijskih manipulacija i nema uporište u činjenicama. Premda se dio povjesničara u svojim znanstvenim radovima dotaknuo zbivanja u Zadru početkom svibnja 1991., zadarska "kristalna noć" uglavnom je ostala historiografski neistražena. Rad se temelji na neobjavljenim arhivskim izvorima Ministarstva unutarnjih poslova Republike Hrvatske, Jugoslavenske narodne armije, tisku i relevantnoj literaturi. ; On 2 May 1991, Serbian property in Zadar and its surrounding area came under attack. The attacks took place after months of tensions between Croats and Serbs, and later became known as the 'Night of Broken Glass'. These tensions were the direct consequence of the Serbian armed rebellion that erupted in northern Dalmatia, Lika, and the hinterland of Zadar in August 1991. The public security system that met the rebellion was created in January 1990, when the Secretariat of the Interior for the area of the Benkovac, Biograd na Moru, Obrovac, Pag, and Zadar municipalities was established in Zadar. In this area, Croats were an absolute majority in the Biograd na Moru and Zadar municipalities, and the Serbs in the Benkovac and Obrovac municipalities. The rebellion prompted divisions not only among the population, but also among the police. By January 1991, most policemen of Serbian nationality had left the Zadar police force and joined the rebels. Despite being weakened in terms of manpower, the Zadar police for the most part managed to successfully preserve public safety. The security situation worsened after a skirmish between Croatian police and rebel Serbs at the Plitvice Lakes on 31 March 1991. A significant increase in shootings, setting of bombs, road blockades, and other forms of criminal activity, mostly nationally motivated, was recorded. In addition to the rebel Serbs, the instability was caused by the Yugoslav People's Army (YPA), which deployed its forces in Zadar's hinterland in early April 1991, causing alarm among the Croatian population. This deployment was part of a broader plan through which the YPA sought to set up a 'buffer zone' in order to close off the areas held by rebel Serbs and prevent the Croatian police from interfering. On 2 May 1991, the security situation throughout Croatia, and therefore in the area under the jurisdiction of the Zadar police, collapsed. Serb rebels killed 12 Croatian policemen in Borovo Selo near Vukovar, and severely wounded Zadar policeman Franko Lisica in Polača near Biograd na Moru; he soon died of his wounds. Despite the Croatian authorities' calls for peace, spontaneous unrest erupted throughout Croatia, and Serbian property and companies were attacked. Furthermore, there were incidents involving the YPA. The mood of the Croatian population in Zadar after the murder of the policeman Lisica was similar to that in other parts of Croatia. Despite the municipal authorities' calls for peace and their organising of a peaceful protest march, various uncoordinated groups demolished and plundered Serbian property on 2 May. The Zadar police failed to stop them because most of the policemen were engaged in the area affected by the Serb rebellion, while others were busy protecting the residential buildings in Zadar in which members of the YPA and their families resided. Soon, due to a feeling of insecurity, a mass exodus of Serbs from Zadar took place; these Serbs took refuge in the areas occupied by the rebels. Apart from the Zadar Serbs, Croats in the areas held by Serb rebels also began to leave their homes in early May 1991. On 1 May 1991, rebel Serbs drove many Croats from the areas around Knin. On the night of 6 to 7 May, as an act of revenge for the events in Zadar, the property of Croats, Albanians, and Croatian companies was attacked and plundered. Different sources give different data regarding the extent of the damage caused to Serbian property. Criminal charges raised by the Croatian police against unknown perpetrators on 2 May 1991 mention that 175 catering establishments, commercial premises, stands, kiosks, and automobiles were damaged. Apart from the property of Serbs, property belonging to Croats, Muslims, Roma, and Croatian companies was also damaged. There are numerous prejudices and controversies regarding the 'Night of Broken Glass', which mostly ignore the then security-political context. Certainly, there were those among the Croats who did not consider the attacks on Serbian property and their exodus from Zadar as anything controversial, but available sources clearly point towards the conclusion that the destruction of Serbian property was not organised and was not a part of the policy of the Croatian leadership.

Autor na temelju arhivskoga gradiva i literature opisuje i objašnjava gospodarske procese na području Karlovca i njegove uže okolice uvjetovane političkim odlukama neposredno nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata 1945. i 1946. godine. ; The topic of this paper are the economic processes initiated through political decisions in Karlovac and its surroundings after World War II, from 1945 to 1946. In a wider context of economic relations, the focus is on the confiscation of the textile industry in Karlovac and its surroundings as a leading initiator of economic development in the mentioned area. Confiscation, through judicial government, meant taking private property away by force with the aim of collectivising property for the needs of the central unitarist and totalitarian government. After studying the available documentation, it is obvious that the most successful companies in the textile industry, but not only them, became the state's property via judicial decisions. After that, the state, through its administrative and central way of governing, made all important business decisions related to the confiscated companies as well as directly about the economic situation in the whole country. Moreover, it is important to emphasise that confiscation was one of the ways used to punish pre-war and wartime political opponents. It was also a way of making them unimportant in social relations, and finally making them dependent on the central government, which, as I have already stressed, dictated political and economic processes on all levels.

U povijesnoj osnovi europskih integracija, kao i u fazi pristupanja svake nove članice, leži nada u bolje sutra, u gospodarski napredak države i pojedinca. U radu se istražuje u kojoj je mjeri siromaštvo poticaj migriranju radne snage u potrazi za kvalitetnijom i sigurnijom egzistencijom unutar EU-a. Materijalna dobra osobe, obitelji i države pretpostavka su ostvarenja ljudskih prava. U radu se istražuju podatci Eurostata o stanju u RH nakon petogodišnjeg članstva u EU-u. Budući da su migracije radne snage potaknute materijalnom oskudicom, na razini Europske unije neizbježno dolazi do relociranih obitelji, ali i imovine. Zbog nade u povratak i obiteljskih veza koje se održavaju ovisno o tradiciji i osjećaju pripadnosti nacionalnom identitetu, nesumnjivo dolazi do usporednih bračno-imovinskih ili partnerskih režima. Uredbama EU-a iz 2016. godine uspostavlja se mehanizam pojačane suradnje u imovinskim učincima braka i registriranih partnerstava. Istražuju se uzroci i nastoje se predvidjeti posljedice sve brojnijih transnacionalno relociranih obitelji. ; The history of European integrations, as well as the accession of each new member state, is based on the hope for a better future, the economic progress of the state and the individual. The paper examines the impact of poverty on labor migration. Citizens of the EU member states are in permanent search for a better quality of life and more secure existence within the EU borders. The material goods of a person, family, and state are a prerequisite for the realization of human rights.The paper compares EUROSTAT data after five years of Croatian membership in the EU. Migrations of labour within the EU caused by economic crisis inevitably result in relocated transnational families and their property . The hope of return to the home country and maintenance of family ties, which depends on tradition and sense of national identity inevitably leads to parallel matrimonial or registered partnership property regimes. The 2016 EU Regulations establish a mechanism authorizing ...

Jacques Bidet's theory of modernity is a fascinating research project which confronts us in a challenging way with a series of key theoretical & practical problems. The text focuses on the concepts of metastructure, domination, class & democracy. The most important concept is "metastructure," which is to be perceived as all coordination & legitimation resources (on the economic, legal-political & cultural levels -- the overcoming of any transcendental order) at the disposal of the citizens of modernity. These resources can be combined in several different ways, in varied structures of modernity. How are we to understand the ontological status of this metastructure? A full answer confronts us with another question: is it possible to offer a scientific explanation of the genesis of this modern (meta)structure? Thus, if metastructure is some sort of general grammar of modernity, the social structures are an actualization of the possibilities of metastructure according to the spectrum ranging from the extreme of planned collectivism to the extreme of liberistic capitalism. Consequently, the duality of modernity is manifest in the fact that it is characterized, on the one hand, by universalistic legitimacy and, on the other, by the persistence of forms of (class) domination. According to Bidet, in capitalism a dominant class will be established with two poles -- property & competence -- which correspond to the interlinkage of market & organization in such a form of society. For this reason, an attempt to achieve emancipation from the domination of the proprietor, in the case of planned collectivism, developing to the full the organizational dimension in order to satisfy the social needs in a more egalitarian way, necessarily results in the organizer's domination. But the thesis that the dominant class in capitalism has two poles (property & competence) is met with the objection that simultaneously too much & not enough is said about the second pole of this class (of managers). Namely, it remains unclear how we must think the unity of capitalist domination in the plurality of spheres of social power; & if, on the contrary, we must abandon this unity, why should we limit ourselves to only two poles? The author concludes with a discussion of two questions which he deems to be decisive: to what extent can the inequalities related to property or competence be designated as class relations or forms of domination? And what is the relation between various modalities of class relations or relations of domination, & the institutions of modern poliarchic democracy which is centered on the multi-party system? Adapted from the source document.

The informal economy is today the reality of all countries in the world, including both those in transition & the developed ones, but to a varying degree. The author makes special reference to the situation in the Russian Federation, discusses some policy options for reducing the informal economy. The author argues that the implementation of the basic aim -- the policy of reintegration of the grey economy into legal system -- is through rounding-off a market-oriented economic order, full protection of property, implementation of the policy of macroeconomic stability, stable exchange rate, foreign trade liberalization & the development of financial markets. Tables, Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.