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In recent times, international and national media have been full of stories about protest movements and tumultuous social upheaval from Tunisia to California. But scholars have not yet fully addressed the connection between these movements and the media and communication channels through which their messages spread. Correcting that imbalance, Mediation and Protest Movements explores the nature of the relationship between protest movements, media representation, and communication strategies and tactics. By covering online and offline contexts, as well as mainstream and alternative media, Mediation and Protest Movements bridges the gap between social-movement theory and media and communication studies, making this an important text for students and scholars of the media and social change

There has been a shift in the last year with respect to the protest trends of the transnational protest movement or the global justice movement. In 2008, the World Social Forum (WSF), which has organized large scale protests rejecting global capitalism all over the global asked its member to stay home & conduct local press conferences as opposed to attend the 2008 World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland. The author argues the WSF move away from centrally coordinated protests signals two new trends within the international protest movement: first, protestors are increasingly defined & united behind what they stand against as opposed to what they strand for; & second, the common rejection a centralized, bureaucratic structure for the international protest movement. Additionally, the article examines similarities & differences between the international protest movement & mainstream nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) & discusses the ways in which international organizations & states respond to trends within the international protest movement. C. Goger

Intro -- Half Title -- Endorsements -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- List of Figures -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Of stories and theory -- Claims and interventions -- The woman in prayer again -- Notes -- 1. Faithful fasting: the Indian independence movement -- India's religious context -- Gandhi's religious formation -- South African religious and political roots -- Violence and nonviolence in political campaigns -- Gandhi's 1924 Hindu-Muslim fast -- The Salt March -- The Dalit fasts -- Fasting through independence and partition -- Political and religious unity through to the end -- Religion as a coercive element of Gandhi's fasts -- Notes -- 2. Invoking violence: the civil rights movement -- Central argument and frame -- First forays into public prayer protest -- Prayer pilgrimage for civil rights -- Breadth of 1957s prayer activity -- Emerging uses of prayer -- From Berkeley to Burgland - prayer protest rising -- The period of piety: 1962-66 -- Violence rising in 1963 -- Activist and status quo prayers in contrast -- 1966: protest prayer ascendant -- Prayer persistent, potent, and descending -- Gender and violence in public protest prayer -- Respectability and freedom through public prayer -- Notes -- 3. Sacred surety: divine mandate and violence in the antiabortion movement -- Early twentieth-century abortion context -- Roe and its aftermath -- Operation Rescue emergent -- Violence and Operation Rescue -- Violence of the 1990s -- Christian Identity's influence -- Sacred surety redux -- Sidewalk confrontations -- Theories of religion and violence -- Sacred surety at work -- Notes -- 4. The Pope and the Black Madonna: ritual, word, and movement in the Polish Solidarity movement -- Introducing the Black Madonna -- The ritual of the Black Madonna pilgrimage -- Arresting the Black Madonna and the aftermath -- A Pope's visit.

At the intersection of 2 broad & potent forces-Black revolt & student revolt-the Howard U student protest movement erupted in Spr 1968 in a student sit-in at the administration Building & a closing of this predominantly black Sch. On the day classes resumed after the settlement, 1's were admin'ed to a large representative sample of Liberal Arts students, soliciting their opinions on all the major issues raised by the protest movement. With regard to each of 18 statements made by movement spokesmen, the students were asked first to indicate whether they were concerned or knowledgeable about the issue, & then to indicate the degree-on a 5-point Likert scale-of their agreement or disagreement with the spokesmen's position. Issues fell into 3 categories: academic grievances, black identity, & tactics of the movement. Ignorance or unconcern were remarkably low, showing a high degree of student awareness & involvement, but there were marked diff's in the degree of support with regard to the 3 categories of issues. Academic issues received conspicuously more support than the Black awareness issue. It appears that at that time the Black militants provided much of the rhetoric & direction of the movement, but broad & essential participation came from large segments of the student body not ideologically committed to the Blacl,,: revolution. New developments a yr after the survey were noted impressionistically. They included the proliferation of the movement into other parts of the campus, including graduate Sch's, & the emphasis primarily on fuller student participation in the content & conduct of the entire academic program. The frame of reference had broadened from the campus to the entire black community & the entire white world. AA.

Protest mobilization and outcome; Political participation; Emotions and social ties; Deportation nation; Refugees; Pro-migrant protest; Anti-migrant protest

"In politics the thing to do is build yourself an army." The remark is attributed to the late Jimmy Hines, a successful Tammany Hall politician of the 1930's. In June, 1945, half way between the Regina Manifesto and the Winnipeg Declaration, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, at the head of the largest army in its history, prepared for the reward of virtue and patience—power in Ottawa and Ontario. The problems of building that army and then maintaining it under the adverse conditions following June, 1945, constitute the theme of this paper.In its first decade the C.C.F. had successfully welded a united, national organization out of a federation of parties and groups along a social-democrat and agrarian-protest spectrum. The absence of a New Deal party gave the "movement," as its members still call it, its opportunity. Its central bond was a common hatred of capitalism, allegedly responsible for the depression and its accompanying hardships. It was, however, less than unanimous about the remedy. The Regina Manifesto of 1933, the party's initial declaration of faith and intentions, was framed in the social democratic tradition. "No CCF government," it concluded, "will rest content until it has eradicated capitalism." But no statement of policy could ever avert the inevitable debate on "how far" and "how fast" socialism should be implemented.The topography of C.C.F. beliefs can be roughly charted by identifying its closest friends and mentors and its ideological boundaries on the "right" and "left." Its chief, though not unanimous, favourites have always been the Labour and Social Democratic parties of the Commonwealth, Scandinavia, and especially Great Britain. Its supporters ranged all the way from people who were made uneasy by talk of socialism despite endless assurances, to those drawn enviously to the glamour of revolutionary intrigue and virile, uncompromising militancy which they associated with Communism and Trotskyism. While these 'left wingers" pressed the leaders constantly to declare themselves on the questions of "how far" and "how fast," the great majority entrusted these matters to the leaders and concentrated instead on building the organization.

Protest mobilization and outcome; Political participation; Emotions and social ties; Deportation nation; Refugees; Pro-migrant protest; Anti-migrant protest

This article analyzes the position of the Christian churches on the protests in Belarus in 2020. This study contributes to the research on the state-society relationship in autocratic regimes by nuancing the thesis that civil society is either marginalized or fully co-opted by the authoritarian state. The protest wave showed that the initiatives of religious groups fostered collective action in a state system that is punitive of any dissent. The article identifies churches as an ambivalent space: one where the state can exercise social control, but where potential resistance to the repressive state might also occur since they enjoy a greater degree of freedom than other organizations in authoritarian Belarus. Moreover, our study argues that religion can be seen as a privileged arena of protest within existing legal frameworks of the "contract" between the state and the church. By looking at the societal engagement of different religious confessions campaigning for their rights and promoting their visions of desirable political development on the grassroots level, this article addresses a range of opportunities to engage in civic activism in Belarus.