There has been a shift in the last year with respect to the protest trends of the transnational protest movement or the global justice movement. In 2008, the World Social Forum (WSF), which has organized large scale protests rejecting global capitalism all over the global asked its member to stay home & conduct local press conferences as opposed to attend the 2008 World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland. The author argues the WSF move away from centrally coordinated protests signals two new trends within the international protest movement: first, protestors are increasingly defined & united behind what they stand against as opposed to what they strand for; & second, the common rejection a centralized, bureaucratic structure for the international protest movement. Additionally, the article examines similarities & differences between the international protest movement & mainstream nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) & discusses the ways in which international organizations & states respond to trends within the international protest movement. C. Goger
This article analyzes the position of the Christian churches on the protests in Belarus in 2020. This study contributes to the research on the state-society relationship in autocratic regimes by nuancing the thesis that civil society is either marginalized or fully co-opted by the authoritarian state. The protest wave showed that the initiatives of religious groups fostered collective action in a state system that is punitive of any dissent. The article identifies churches as an ambivalent space: one where the state can exercise social control, but where potential resistance to the repressive state might also occur since they enjoy a greater degree of freedom than other organizations in authoritarian Belarus. Moreover, our study argues that religion can be seen as a privileged arena of protest within existing legal frameworks of the "contract" between the state and the church. By looking at the societal engagement of different religious confessions campaigning for their rights and promoting their visions of desirable political development on the grassroots level, this article addresses a range of opportunities to engage in civic activism in Belarus.
Various notions of ideology are briefly reviewed & the poverty & confusion of its conceptualization are noted. 3 major types of definition are identified: (1) a series of congruent representations of a particular period, society, or group, (2) a project, or "force for the mobilization of energies," & (3) a concealment or justification for the status quo. Whichever is accepted, ideology only exists in reference to concrete social situations & should be studied in terms of the institutions of science & the conflicts & contradictions surrounding them. Examples of protest movements are cited to demonstrate points of conflict in the area of the discourse of science--valid themes for research, the role of values, etc--& the area of its social application & practices within its institutions. These 2 aspects may be viewed as explaining each other: scientific work is not seen as proceeding in isolation, but rather as an area into which other social forces enter. J. N. Mayer.
This article suggests that the conflict between Ogoni indigenes and the Nigerian government can be better appreciated within the ambit of a much longer history, beginning with the colonial encounter. It also identifies two main trajectories of colonialism: the first that was imposed by the colonial regime and the second that was pursued by the postcolonial state, often in conjunction with multinational capital. Part of the aim of this article will be to locate the figure(s) of Saro-Wiwa within certain important moments of Ogoni resistance to power. In spite of his sometimes contradictory public persona, this article concludes that Saro-Wiwa ranks alongside figures such as Sub-commandante Insurgente Marcos and Arundhati Roy in directing the energies of crucial social struggles. In addition, the article tracks the evolution of two different modes of production. The first is an economy based on palm oil and supported by a colonial regime. The second is based on a decolonizing economy and is powered by petroleum within the strictures of a postcolonial state in alliance with multinational capital.
Intro -- Half Title -- Endorsements -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- List of Figures -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Of stories and theory -- Claims and interventions -- The woman in prayer again -- Notes -- 1. Faithful fasting: the Indian independence movement -- India's religious context -- Gandhi's religious formation -- South African religious and political roots -- Violence and nonviolence in political campaigns -- Gandhi's 1924 Hindu-Muslim fast -- The Salt March -- The Dalit fasts -- Fasting through independence and partition -- Political and religious unity through to the end -- Religion as a coercive element of Gandhi's fasts -- Notes -- 2. Invoking violence: the civil rights movement -- Central argument and frame -- First forays into public prayer protest -- Prayer pilgrimage for civil rights -- Breadth of 1957s prayer activity -- Emerging uses of prayer -- From Berkeley to Burgland - prayer protest rising -- The period of piety: 1962-66 -- Violence rising in 1963 -- Activist and status quo prayers in contrast -- 1966: protest prayer ascendant -- Prayer persistent, potent, and descending -- Gender and violence in public protest prayer -- Respectability and freedom through public prayer -- Notes -- 3. Sacred surety: divine mandate and violence in the antiabortion movement -- Early twentieth-century abortion context -- Roe and its aftermath -- Operation Rescue emergent -- Violence and Operation Rescue -- Violence of the 1990s -- Christian Identity's influence -- Sacred surety redux -- Sidewalk confrontations -- Theories of religion and violence -- Sacred surety at work -- Notes -- 4. The Pope and the Black Madonna: ritual, word, and movement in the Polish Solidarity movement -- Introducing the Black Madonna -- The ritual of the Black Madonna pilgrimage -- Arresting the Black Madonna and the aftermath -- A Pope's visit.
Protest mobilization and outcome; Political participation; Emotions and social ties; Deportation nation; Refugees; Pro-migrant protest; Anti-migrant protest
In: Canadian journal of economics and political science: the journal of the Canadian Political Science Association = Revue canadienne d'économique et de science politique, Band 24, Heft 2, S. 190-202
"In politics the thing to do is build yourself an army." The remark is attributed to the late Jimmy Hines, a successful Tammany Hall politician of the 1930's. In June, 1945, half way between the Regina Manifesto and the Winnipeg Declaration, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, at the head of the largest army in its history, prepared for the reward of virtue and patience—power in Ottawa and Ontario. The problems of building that army and then maintaining it under the adverse conditions following June, 1945, constitute the theme of this paper.In its first decade the C.C.F. had successfully welded a united, national organization out of a federation of parties and groups along a social-democrat and agrarian-protest spectrum. The absence of a New Deal party gave the "movement," as its members still call it, its opportunity. Its central bond was a common hatred of capitalism, allegedly responsible for the depression and its accompanying hardships. It was, however, less than unanimous about the remedy. The Regina Manifesto of 1933, the party's initial declaration of faith and intentions, was framed in the social democratic tradition. "No CCF government," it concluded, "will rest content until it has eradicated capitalism." But no statement of policy could ever avert the inevitable debate on "how far" and "how fast" socialism should be implemented.The topography of C.C.F. beliefs can be roughly charted by identifying its closest friends and mentors and its ideological boundaries on the "right" and "left." Its chief, though not unanimous, favourites have always been the Labour and Social Democratic parties of the Commonwealth, Scandinavia, and especially Great Britain. Its supporters ranged all the way from people who were made uneasy by talk of socialism despite endless assurances, to those drawn enviously to the glamour of revolutionary intrigue and virile, uncompromising militancy which they associated with Communism and Trotskyism. While these 'left wingers" pressed the leaders constantly to declare themselves on the questions of "how far" and "how fast," the great majority entrusted these matters to the leaders and concentrated instead on building the organization.
This open access book deals with contestations "from below" of legal policies and implementation practices in asylum and deportation. Consequently, it covers three types of mobilization: solidarity protests against the deportation of refused asylum seekers, refugee activism campaigning for residence rights and inclusion, and restrictive protests against the reception of asylum seekers. By applying both a longitudinal analysis of protest events and a series of in-depth case studies in three immigration countries, this edited volume provides comparative insights into these three types of movement in Austria, Germany, and Switzerland over a time span of twenty-five years. Embedded in concepts of political change, limited state sovereignty, and migration control, the findings shed light on actors, repertoires, and the effects of protest activities. The contributions illustrate how local contexts, national political settings, issue specifics, and social ties lead to distinctly different forms of protest emergence, dynamics, and strategies. Additionally, they give a profound understanding of the mechanisms and constellations that contribute to protest success, both in terms of preventing deportations of individuals as well as changing policies. In sum, this book constitutes a major contribution to empirically informed theoretical reflections on collective contestation in the fields of refugee studies and social protest movements.