Since the late 1980s, there has been the emergence and spread of a new cultural and social movement in the Senegalese capital of Dakar: hip-hop. Rap (the vocal form of hip-hop) was spread throughout Dakar by middle-class teenagers who had access to American and European tapes acquired through their relatives living as immigrants in these countries. In the beginning of the 1990s, this music was broadcast on the radio which led to an expansion of the listening audience, reaching lower-class youth in the disadvantaged suburbs of Dakar. Following fourteen months of fieldwork in Dakar and its surrounding suburbs, I tried to determine how Senegalese young people, traditionally discouraged from participating in public discourse and responsibilities in general, managed to play a determining role in the redefinition of a new Senegalese social order, both in real and symbolic terms. In a context of presidential elections and social protest, many young people ventured into this new kind of artistic expression which consisted of a progressive africanization of this western form. I wondered whether this "rap movement" matched the description of a social movement or rather was an African popular culture in an urban context. Subsequently, the main issue was first to understand how a form of African creative expression like Rap in Dakar could be involved simultaneously in cultural, social, religious and political spheres. Additionally, rappers not only offer a new interpretation of Senegalese history and tradition, but they also create new musical and language codes. They also allow for the redefinition of their relationship to the family and religion, notably Islam in the form of Sufi brotherhoods. Finally, rap's gradual movement away from an informal activity towards a professional one has tended to change its mode of creation and its opening toward the world makes rappers constantly adjust between the local and the global. ; A la fin des années quatre-vingt, on assiste à l'émergence d'une nouvelle expression culturelle au ...
Starting from the cycle of social protest that South Africa has been experiencing since the late 1990s, this article sheds light on the evolution of the space of social movements since apartheid ended. Taken as a framework for Black political expression in the 1970s & 80s, the space of social movements was drained of meaning with the advent of democracy in 1994. De-ranked & partly neutralized given its main actors' ties to the ANC-led government, it has recently been the backdrop for the emergence of new organizations challenging the socioeconomic policies conducted by the "liberating party." We will in particular study the terms of postapartheid reconfiguration of the space of social movements, the motives of rivalry taking hold between new organizations & the ANC, as well as the preferred practices of movementist activists. Adapted from the source document.
Citizenship has been making a strong resurgence in the environmental field, visible both in institutionalised procedures intended to include all citizens in decision-making, and in protest movements or resistance to some planning projects or land uses. For those who take part - citizens, members of associations, policy makers and public policy professionals -, these two kinds of participatory experiences represent significant spaces for political learning. Through the exploration of an institutionalised procedure for public participation (a citizens' conference on water management) and a protest movement (against shale gas), this work identifies what actors learn on the one hand, and the learning methods on the other. The ethnographic survey and the use of educational sciences constitute the originality of this research which describes and analyses experiments in political learning, education to conflict as well as participation. ; La citoyenneté opère un retour en force dans le domaine environnemental, visible tant dans les dispositifs de participation destinés à inclure l'ensemble des citoyens dans les prises de décision, que dans des mouvement de contestation voire des résistances à des projets d'aménagement ou certains usages de l'espace. Ces deux types d'expériences participatives constituent pour ceux qui y prennent part - citoyens, acteurs associatifs, élus, professionnels des politiques publiques - de véritables lieux d'apprentissages politiques. Par l'exploration d'une procédure institutionnalisée de participation (une conférence de citoyens sur la gestion de l'eau) et d'une mobilisation contestataire (contre le gaz de schiste), ce travail identifie d'une part ce que les acteurs apprennent, et d'autre part les modalités par lesquelles ils apprennent. L'enquête ethnographique et le recours aux sciences de l'éducation font l'originalité de cette recherche qui propose de décrire et d'analyser finement des expériences d'apprentissages politiques, d'éducation au conflit comme à la participation.
Citizenship has been making a strong resurgence in the environmental field, visible both in institutionalised procedures intended to include all citizens in decision-making, and in protest movements or resistance to some planning projects or land uses. For those who take part - citizens, members of associations, policy makers and public policy professionals -, these two kinds of participatory experiences represent significant spaces for political learning. Through the exploration of an institutionalised procedure for public participation (a citizens' conference on water management) and a protest movement (against shale gas), this work identifies what actors learn on the one hand, and the learning methods on the other. The ethnographic survey and the use of educational sciences constitute the originality of this research which describes and analyses experiments in political learning, education to conflict as well as participation. ; La citoyenneté opère un retour en force dans le domaine environnemental, visible tant dans les dispositifs de participation destinés à inclure l'ensemble des citoyens dans les prises de décision, que dans des mouvement de contestation voire des résistances à des projets d'aménagement ou certains usages de l'espace. Ces deux types d'expériences participatives constituent pour ceux qui y prennent part - citoyens, acteurs associatifs, élus, professionnels des politiques publiques - de véritables lieux d'apprentissages politiques. Par l'exploration d'une procédure institutionnalisée de participation (une conférence de citoyens sur la gestion de l'eau) et d'une mobilisation contestataire (contre le gaz de schiste), ce travail identifie d'une part ce que les acteurs apprennent, et d'autre part les modalités par lesquelles ils apprennent. L'enquête ethnographique et le recours aux sciences de l'éducation font l'originalité de cette recherche qui propose de décrire et d'analyser finement des expériences d'apprentissages politiques, d'éducation au conflit comme à la participation.
International audience ; This article analyses paradoxical relationships between conflict and participation through the notion of learning process. It shows that apparently opposed experiences such as citizens' conference and social movement lead actors who take part to comparable – if not similar – political learning. They learn both to identify antagonisms (conflict learning) and to construct collective agreements (participation or deliberation learning) The analysis takes place in a global reflection on possibility to identify agonistic practices of deliberative democracy. ; Cet article analyse les relations paradoxales entre conflit et participation à partir de la notion d'apprentissage. Il montre que des expériences apparemment aussi opposées qu'une conférence de citoyens et une mobilisation collective entraînent des apprentissages politiques comparables – sinon identiques – chez les acteurs qui y prennent part. Ceux-ci apprennent à la fois à identifier les antagonismes (apprentissage du conflit) et à construire des accords collectifs (apprentissage de la participation ou de la délibération). L'analyse s'inscrit dans une réflexion globale sur la possibilité d'identifier des pratiques agonistiques de démocratie délibérative.
International audience ; This article analyses paradoxical relationships between conflict and participation through the notion of learning process. It shows that apparently opposed experiences such as citizens' conference and social movement lead actors who take part to comparable – if not similar – political learning. They learn both to identify antagonisms (conflict learning) and to construct collective agreements (participation or deliberation learning) The analysis takes place in a global reflection on possibility to identify agonistic practices of deliberative democracy. ; Cet article analyse les relations paradoxales entre conflit et participation à partir de la notion d'apprentissage. Il montre que des expériences apparemment aussi opposées qu'une conférence de citoyens et une mobilisation collective entraînent des apprentissages politiques comparables – sinon identiques – chez les acteurs qui y prennent part. Ceux-ci apprennent à la fois à identifier les antagonismes (apprentissage du conflit) et à construire des accords collectifs (apprentissage de la participation ou de la délibération). L'analyse s'inscrit dans une réflexion globale sur la possibilité d'identifier des pratiques agonistiques de démocratie délibérative.
Emmanuel Macron, who favoured the amendment of the bioethical law of 2011, made medically assisted reproduction (MAP) accessible to all women a key measure of his presidential program during 2017 campaigns. Currently, these medical procreation techniques were only accessible to heterosexual couples, married or not, of childbearing age and able to prove that they have been living together for over two years. By revising article 1 of the bioethical law (relating, among other things, to MAP), it was then a question of extending the conditions of access to couples of women and to single women, which, as a result, comes to remove the medical criterion of a certified infertility within a couple. Four years after his election and following a favourable opinion from the National Consultative Ethics Committee, the "MAP for all" (as it is commonly called by the government) is the subject of much debate and controversy in France. In particular, in recent years, the collective of twenty-one associations "Marchons enfants!", formed for the occasion, has asserted its strong opposition to this bill and its willingness to mobilize in order to make the French government back down and ultimately, to try abort this legislation.As part of the field of linguistics, and more particularly of critical sociolinguistics, the present research work consists in studying these discourses of opposition and contestation in the face of this possible change in reproductive and sexual rights. Based on ethnographic fieldwork, which leads to the collection of data from several activist associations (La Manif pour tous, Alliance Vita and the Catholic Family Associations) between early December 2019 and end of January 2020, this study aims to deconstruct these oppositonal discourses in order to understand, between claim and dissimulation, what discursive strategies and ideologies are mobilized and what the discursive and linguistic phenomena and processes as well as the stakes of persuasion that underlie them may be. ; Favorable à la modification des lois de bioéthique de 2011, Emmanuel Macron a fait de la procréation médicalement assistée (PMA) accessible à toutes les femmes, une mesure phare de son programme présidentiel lors des campagnes de l'année 2017. Ces techniques de procréation médicale étaient alors déjà accessibles aux couples hétérosexuels, mariés ou non, en âge de procréer et pouvant justifier d'une vie commune depuis plus de deux ans. Par la révision de l'article 1 de ces lois bioéthiques (relatif, entre autres, à la PMA), il a été alors question d'étendre les conditions d'accès aux couples de femmes et aux femmes seules, ce qui, en est venu, par la suite à supprimer le critère médical d'une infertilité attestée au sein d'un couple. Quatre ans après son élection, et à la suite d'un avis favorable du Comité consultatif national d'éthique, la « PMA pour toutes » (comme elle est communément appelée par le gouvernement) a suscité de nombreux débats et controverses en France. Plus particulièrement, le collectif d'associations « Marchons enfants ! », formé pour l'occasion, a affirmé une franche opposition à ce projet de loi et a montré sa volonté de se mobiliser pour faire reculer le gouvernement français et tenter, in fine, de faire échouer cette tentative de légifération.Inscrit dans le domaine des sciences du langage, et plus particulièrement en sociolinguistique critique, ce travail de recherche consiste à étudier ces discours d'opposition et de contestation face à ce possible changement des droits reproductifs et sexuels. À partir d'un travail de terrain ethnographique auprès de plusieurs associations activistes (La Manif pour tous, Alliance Vita et les Associations familiales catholiques) entre décembre 2019 et janvier 2020, cette étude a pour objectif de déconstruire ces discours d'opposition afin de comprendre, entre revendication et dissimulation, quelles stratégies et idéologies discursives sont mobilisées et quels peuvent être les phénomènes et les processus discursifs et linguistiques ainsi que les enjeux de persuasion qui les sous-tendent.
Emmanuel Macron, who favoured the amendment of the bioethical law of 2011, made medically assisted reproduction (MAP) accessible to all women a key measure of his presidential program during 2017 campaigns. Currently, these medical procreation techniques were only accessible to heterosexual couples, married or not, of childbearing age and able to prove that they have been living together for over two years. By revising article 1 of the bioethical law (relating, among other things, to MAP), it was then a question of extending the conditions of access to couples of women and to single women, which, as a result, comes to remove the medical criterion of a certified infertility within a couple. Four years after his election and following a favourable opinion from the National Consultative Ethics Committee, the "MAP for all" (as it is commonly called by the government) is the subject of much debate and controversy in France. In particular, in recent years, the collective of twenty-one associations "Marchons enfants!", formed for the occasion, has asserted its strong opposition to this bill and its willingness to mobilize in order to make the French government back down and ultimately, to try abort this legislation.As part of the field of linguistics, and more particularly of critical sociolinguistics, the present research work consists in studying these discourses of opposition and contestation in the face of this possible change in reproductive and sexual rights. Based on ethnographic fieldwork, which leads to the collection of data from several activist associations (La Manif pour tous, Alliance Vita and the Catholic Family Associations) between early December 2019 and end of January 2020, this study aims to deconstruct these oppositonal discourses in order to understand, between claim and dissimulation, what discursive strategies and ideologies are mobilized and what the discursive and linguistic phenomena and processes as well as the stakes of persuasion that underlie them may be. ; Favorable à la modification des ...
How to explain the absence of a countermovement, in Polanyi's terms, following the financial and economic crisis of 2008? This article proposes an explanation starting from the historical decoupling between political parties and social movements, and examines some hypotheses on the reasons for this discrepancy. While the "double movement" theorized by Polanyi implied a convergence between social movements and political parties to control the institutions that were going to frame the market, this convergence is made difficult today by virtue of the conditions for intellectual autonomy within protest movements.