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Protest mobilization and outcome; Political participation; Emotions and social ties; Deportation nation; Refugees; Pro-migrant protest; Anti-migrant protest

Africa is the world's youngest continent, with the majority of its population under the age of 24. Although during the past decade the continent has experienced considerable economic growth, this has not translated into job creation and greater equity. Soaring unemployment rates have severely affected the younger generation especially; young people find it difficult to carve out a decent future. Most young Africans are living in a period of suspension between childhood and adulthood that I call 'waithood'. Youth in Africa, like their counterparts in Europe, North America, and other parts of the world, face similar crises of joblessness and restricted futures. Their struggles have driven many young Africans into the streets in protest movements that challenge the status quo and contest socioeconomic policies and governance strategies that exacerbate poverty, heighten social inequalities, and deny them basic freedoms. Young people have emerged as active social agents in the uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya, in the 'Y'en a Marre' (Enough is enough!) movement in Senegal, and in the food riots in Mozambique, counteracting the notion that youth are apathetic. What will be the result of these youth movements? Will young people be able to sustain them beyond streets protests and hold onto the promise for more equitable societies? This lecture examines the broad challenges facing young Africans today, particularly those relating to their socioeconomic position, citizenship, and political activism.

dth: 0px; " The research describes and explains the wave of protest movement in theKingdom of Morocco, one of the Muslim countries in the Western Arab, in the post-2011 constitutional referendum. The constitutional reform was carried out as a response to the large and massive people protest. Unlike the cases in other neighboring states where "Arab Spring" took place, the Moroccan movement receded without neither the fall of the regime nor massive casualties. However, intense protest kept taking place, especially in Muhammad V Street leading to the Parliament Building. Some interesting questions arise, including what the nature of the current protest is and why people still protest after the vast popular agreement toward the constitutional referendum. Based on library research and intense observation for forty days, and interviews, this study found that, to some extent, the Morocco protest has the same nature as that of the Arab Spring. The protest has "hidden agendas" although there are evidences that they dissembled in "smaller and partial issues because of some reasons". The author holds that Morocco is an important lesson for political reform in the current turbulent Arab world and, to abroader context, in the Muslim world. 0px; " Penelitian ini mendeskripsikan dan menjelaskan gerakan protest di KerajaanMaroko, salah satu negara Muslim di Arab Barat, paska referendum konstitusitahun 2011. Reformasi konstitusional di Maroko telah dilaksanakan sebagai respon terhadap protes rakyat dalam skala luas dan massif. Berbeda dengan yang terjadi di negara-negara "Musim Semi Arab" yang lain, gerakan protes itu surut tanpa disertai jatuhnya rezim dan jatuhnya korban dalam jumlah yang besar. Namun, Maroko masih diwarnai gerakan protes yang cukup intensif hampir setiap hari (kendati skalanya lebih kecil) khususnya di Jalan Muhammad V sampai depan gedung parlemen. Pertanyaannya adalah apa sesungguhnya karakter dari protes-protes yang masih berlangsung bahkan hingga saat ini? Mengapa mereka masih melakukan protes pasca ...

This paper asks whether, and in what sense, civic protests can contribute to some form of 'reconciliation'. Focusing on the 2014 protests in Bosnia and Herzegovina, it analyses the actions and activities involved in the practice of protesting. In this context, reconciliation can be understood as civic solidarity: a forward-looking commitment to fighting for social justice and against the privileges of political elites. Solidarity is not only built horizontally across social or ethnic groups, but also vertically through opposition to the ruling ethnonationalist elite. Solidarity-building activities such as protests, however, are hindered by an institutional system that crystallises social divisions and dilutes citizens' efforts.

Youth-led protest movements that emerged in Afghanistan after the 2014 Afghan presidential election added a new dynamic to Afghan politics. Motivated primarily by widespread perceptions of injustice, exclusion and marginalization from governmental policymaking, and rapidly deteriorating economic and security conditions, the protest movements sharply criticized the administration of President Ashraf Ghani. This report examines the emergence of a new generation of youth activists in Afghanistan and the responses of the government and international community to those movements.

Recent debates in sociology consider how Internet communications might catalyse leaderless, open-ended, affective social movements that broaden support and bypass traditional institutional channels to create change. We extend this work into the field of leisure and lifestyle politics with an empirical study of Internet-mediated protest movement, Stand Against Modern Football. We explain how social media facilitate communications that transcend longstanding rivalries, and engender shared affective frames that unite diverse groups against corporate logics. In examining grassroots organisation, communication and protest actions that span online and urban locations, we discover sustained interconnectedness with traditional social movements, political parties, the media and the corporate targets of protests. Finally, we suggest that Internet-based social movements establish stable forms of organisation and leadership at these networked intersections in order to advance instrumental programmes of change.

The article argues that contemporary protest movements are facing a convergence of what has traditionally been coined as mainstream and alternative media. Traditionally, the broad term 'alternative media' has been employed to embrace a wide range of oppositional media channels that can be considered to carry on the tradition of the early radical and party press: micro-media operating at the grassroots level, discontinuous, non-professional, persecuted or illegal. Today, heavily commercialised media and online communities such as Facebook, YouTube and MySpace constitute a common part of the repertoire of communication channels for activists engaged in alterative politics and protest movements. Are these new media channels a necessary means in order to reach beyond the circles of the likeminded? Or, do the use of these media point towards a mainstreaming process of political cultures of resistance to the establishment, eroding their very raison d'être? Combining a theoretical discussion of the inherent paradoxes in the celebration of new media technology as a source of democratisation and empowerment of civic cultures with an empirical focus aimed at exploring the changing repertoire of communicative tools used by social movement actors, this paper analyses two cases of online media practices in contemporary Scandinavian protest movements: 1) A series of civil disobedience actions and mobilisations of mass demonstrations before and after the eviction and destruction of the Youth House (Ungdomshuset) in Copenhagen, Denmark, in 2007-2008; 2) The popular demonstrations in connection with the European Social Forum in Malmö, Sweden in September 2008.

Материал посвящен одной из форм современного гражданского активизма политическому протесту. Автор рассуждает о невозможности понять, «расколдовать» недовольных через их социально-демографические характеристики, предлагая обратиться к коммуникативной логике. Обращаясь к зарубежным протестным акциям и анализируя коммуникативную логику российского протестного движения 2011-2013 гг., автор предлагает характерные черты активиста участника протестного движения, «человека протестующего» как нового субъекта гражданского активизма. Рождаясь из коммуникативной закрытости власти, протестное движение обнаруживает свою субъектность в новой логике обмена информацией. И коммуникативный подход для понимания новых форм гражданского активизма представляется ключевым, ведь ядро инициативного кластера, как представляется, спаяно новыми формами коммуникации, альтернативными тем, что тиражирует система. Автор уделяет внимание влиянию интернет-коммуникации на распространение протестной активности. В работе приводятся актуальные эмпирические данные протестной активности россиян.

This book was originally published by the Sydney Branch, Australian Society for the Study of Labour History in 2005. Introduction (2020): During the turbulent decade 1965-1975, a cultural revolution took place in Australia. The future was seeded with movements and ideas that changed Australian society and culture, and enlarged the space for democratic action. Published in a print-run of 500 copies in 2005, and edited by Beverley Symons and Rowan Cahill, activists of that decade, A Turbulent Decade: Social Protest Movements and the Labour Movement, 1965-1975 is a unique, and rare, assemblage of recollections and reflections of veterans of the period. The focus is Sydney and New South Wales, and a great deal that is new is added to the public record, often candidly and vulnerably so. The book covers the Anti-Vietnam War and Anti-Conscription Movements, the Student, New Left and Counter Culture Movements, Women's Liberation, Gay and Lesbian Rights, Aboriginal Land Rights and Civil Rights, the Anti-Apartheid Movement, the Trade Union Movement, and the Australian Labor Party. Contributors are Brian Aarons, Anthony Ashbolt, Wendy Bacon, Suzanne Bellamy, Lester Bostock, Charlie Bowers, Meredith Burgmann, Rowan Cahill, Jack Cambourn, Bruce Childs, Ken Davis, Diane Fieldes, Dulcie Flower, Graham Freudenberg, Hall Greenland, Bob Gould, Noreen Hewett, Suzanne Jamieson, Craig Johnston, Gillian Leahy, Greg Mallory, Race Mathews, Audrey McDonald, Tom McDonald, Peter McGregor, Jack Mundey, John Myrtle, Sue Tracey, Shane Ostenfeld, Joe Palmada, John Percy, Robyn Plaister, Mavis Robertson, Lyndall Ryan, Joyce Stevens, Paul True, Barrie Unsworth, Sue Wills. ; https://ro.uow.edu.au/uowbooks/1028/thumbnail.jpg

This study formulates three problems which include: (1) The principles of the social protest movement from the perspective of Islamic law; (2) Methods and techniques for conducting demonstrations from the perspective of Islamic law; (3) The social impact of demonstrations in Indonesia from the perspective of Islamic law. This study uses a qualitative method (descriptive-analytic). Based on the data source is library research (library research). The approach used is the sociological approach of Islamic law and the siyasah fiqh approach. In the perspective of scientific studies, these two approaches are used to understand the phenomenon of demonstrations in Indonesia based on legal arguments contained in the Qur'an and Hadith, the opinions of fuqaha' and opinions that develop (ijitahad) at a time in life. Muslims. Meanwhile, from a methodological perspective, these two approaches are used to provide an interpretation of the methodology of Islamic law on the concept and practice of demonstrations based on social movement theory and Islamic political theory. The results of this study found that: The principles of the Islamic social protest movement are built on the doctrine of rights and obligations between the people and the rulers in an Islamic state which include: the principle of hisbah; The principle of freedom of expression; The principle of deliberation; and constitutional principles. Based on the method of carrying out the demonstration, there are 2 methods, namely the exclusive method and the inclusive method. Based on the technique of holding demonstrations, there are 3 levels, namely: (1) demonstrations with the ability and strength of the masses; (2) demonstration with verbal ability and strength; (3) protest with the ability of the heart. Through the istislahi approach, that Islamic law strongly condemns all demonstration activities that cause harm to religion, soul, mind, descendants and property. On the other hand, he strongly supports all demonstration activities that uphold the five maintenances ...

In assessing the aftermath of the fraudulent presidential election of 2009 in Iran, one question has received less critical analysis than other complexities of this event: What can explain the remarkable non-violent character of the Green Movement in Iran? I propose that the answer, inter alia, lies with the following three learning experiences: 1) The experience of loss brought about by the Iran/Iraq war; 2) the experience of relative opening during Khatami's presidency; and 3) the experience of modernization of faith in the work of the post-Islamist thinkers that aimed to make political Islam compatible with democracy. Together, these learning processes fostered a new mode of thinking that is civil and non-violent in character.

The problem of the research revolved around the protest movement of Jarada as a social act, in which both the economist and the politician overlap. To address this problem, the researcher analyzed the problem using a systematic combination of ethnography, critical discourse analysis and social history. The researcher analyzed the discourse of Morocco's state on vulnerability, and investigated the rationale for shaping the policies pertaining to the mining fields. Also, he tackled the process of transformations in the field and the population of the study, and identified the factors that brought about these transformations. In addition, the researcher described the daily economic life of the mining population in the past and at present. As mentioned earlier, the protest movement was based on field work. Consequently, the researcher concluded that the movement was part of a socio-historical context that began with the creation of coal mines during the French colonial period.

ABSTRACT: This study is based on secondary data and looks at the activities of Multinational Corporation and its impact on global governance from the protests movement point of view. Available data show that multinational corporations derive at least a quarter of their revenue outside their home countries. However, the debate is how significant do they contribute to development or involve in activities that lead to human and economic deprivation of host communities. The study reveals that the benefits are not enough compared to the damages. The multinational corporation uses global governance institutions to back up their interests and always get preferred treatment. The host communities who feel exploited are not happy but the multinational corporations are always innovative so, there is hope towards finding solutions. In this regard therefore, the relevant stakeholders should be engaged towards collective decision making and problem-solving in a participatory manner for effective global governance.

This research seeks to spotlight the phenomenon of the social protest movement that has swept a number of the Arab States. The researcher relied on the historical points of departure and sociology and political terminology in monitoring these movements so as to describe them and determine their identity, history, components, strength and ability to affect change. This came within a gradual approach starting with the onset of the Arab uprisings and ending with the time of preparing this discourse. The researcher point of departure was that no matter how the political system tries to safeguard itself through despotism, violence and security forces, it will reach a point where it cannot meet the internal challenges, since these arise from one side of the equation of the composition of the state… which means the people. And in order to put this assumption to the test, the researcher posed a set of principles, and adopted the historical approach, the approach of the systems, as well the approach of the decision – maker and political participation. The research concluded that the these protest movements face immense challenges… like the fear of falling into chaos, confusion or the trap of time slackness that cause them to lose momentum. Those in charge of these movements must be vigilant so as not to go outside the desired objectives.

This dissertation examines the political participation and political incorporation of Hmong American communities across three states--California, Minnesota, and Wisconsin--between 1980 and 2012. This study asks two main questions: First, given Hmong Americans' particular contexts of exit and contexts of reception, how and to what extent have Hmong former refugees and their U.S.-born children been incorporated into the U.S. political system? Second, how do broader political contexts or homeland circumstances shape Hmong American politics and the state's treatment of Hmong in the U.S. and abroad? I address these questions through two historical analyses of Hmong Americans' non-electoral and electoral participation and two detailed case studies of Hmong Americans' social movements. The first historical analysis focuses on Hmong Americans' protest events from 1980 to 2011. Through news media reports and relevant archival materials, I examine 84 Hmong American protests, their contents, and their consequences on public policies and mobilizers' organizational capacity. My findings show that during the past three decades, Hmong Americans' patterns of protest participation are oriented toward both the host society and the homeland. Homeland-oriented protests, rather than declining in frequency, have occurred at a rate almost equal to domestic-oriented protests. The findings also show that Hmong Americans' engagement in protest activities, regardless of domestic or international orientations, has helped them nurture their civic sense and strengthen their organizational capacity. Specifically, protest mobilization has offered ample opportunities for Hmong Americans to develop younger leaders, form new civic organizations, and cultivate a broad alliance system. Protest mobilization has also helped Hmong to refine methods for building collective identity and building collective consensus through the use of common protest symbols such as the uniformed Hmong veteran and master frames such as the military service frame. My second historical analysis focuses on Hmong Americans' electoral participation across three U.S. states--California, Minnesota, and Wisconsin--between 1990 and 2012. I find evidence that Hmong Americans have achieved greater descriptive representation in Minnesota and Wisconsin compared to California. This difference in the level of descriptive representation appears to be due to differences in state and local political contexts. But a significant relative ethnic population size and the presence of ethnic collective mobilization are common to places with higher levels of descriptive representation. The first extended case study examines two interrelated social movements of the early to late-1990s: Hmong Americans' multi-site movements against the benefit ineligibility provisions in the federal Welfare Reform Act of 1996 and their movements in support of the Hmong Veterans' Naturalization Act since 1990. This study reveals that framing plays a crucial role in the success of protest/social movements. In both the movements against Welfare Reform and for naturalization provisions, `ordinary' Hmong social actors were able to construct and their institutional allies were able to make effective use of a specific collective action frame--the military-service frame--to bring about benefits and naturalization accommodations in existing state policies specifically for Hmong veterans. I argue that the state's dominant ideology and its foreign policy interests influenced its positive reception of the military-service frame.The second extended case study builds on the first case study to the extent that it examines in detail the contentious, interactive processes of social problem construction that underlie two other Hmong American movements for greater political inclusion. However, this second case differs from the first in that its central focus is on understanding how intra-ethnic conflict affects competing groups' ability to construct social problems and subsequently their ability to make claims upon the state--a state that is usually highly suspicious of ethnic movements for political inclusion. Drawing on interviews and primary written sources, I examine a Hmong American-led social movement that sought to incorporate Hmong history into the social science curriculum of California's public schools and the emotionally intense ethnic counter-movement that arose to meet it. My findings suggest that the mass media play crucial roles in creating cultural opportunities for the emergence of certain social problems and in (de)legitimizing such social problems. Although the California State Legislature showed deference to the military service frame and was willing to give token recognition to a broad, informal, quasi-racial category such as Southeast Asians, it trivialized and refused to hear the claims of an ethnolinguistic group regarding institutionally-produced language material inequity.I conclude that the collective mobilization of endogenous and exogenous resources in response to perceived political opportunities has been the key mechanism through which Hmong Americans have been able to participate in the U.S. political system. Hmong Americans' degree of political incorporation is a byproduct of the interplay between Hmong-led mobilization and the responses of the state.