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The relationships between social movement challenges and political outcomes remain strongly underresearched in the field of social movements. Here, we use the labels "social" and "political" in a broad sense to comprise many types of challenges and many types of outcomes, such as economic and social outcomes for specific movements as well as general policy outcomes. Four theories are crucial for understanding successful mobilization of social movements: relative deprivation, resource mobilization, framing, and the theoretical figure of the opening political opportunity structure. Political outcomes, at least in democratic political systems, are usually the result of a parallelogram of different claims and means of influencing outcomes, in short, of compromises. Here, we list various forms of outcomes, from successful acceptance of movement demands to part-time successes or entire failures, and also the various strategies incumbents have in dealing with social movement challenges. Researchers usually have focused on the individual and structural conditions of the emergence of social movements but less so on the conditions of processing social movement demands and the outcomes for movements themselves, for the electorate and for policy changes. Consequently, there is little research available that would meet the requirements of an adequate research design in view of the numerous factors spelled out here as a theoretical control list. The idea of a response hierarchy of incumbents is suggested as a sort of a dispositional concept for further, more consolidated, research in this area. Also the notion of cycles of various sorts has to be kept in mind in order to avoid misjudging of both, the persistence of social movements over time, and their eventual successes and failures.

The collapse of social partnership after the crisis forced Irish and Portuguese trade unions to position themselves as "either social movements or a (increasingly ostracised) state apparatus" (Moore and Engelhardt, in this volume). The cycles of union protest and acquiescence in Ireland and Portugal during the last decade, however, also allow less Manichean conclusions. This chapter therefore makes a case for a different use of typologies. The "social movement vs state apparatus" typology should be used as a heuristic tool to understand the tension between contention and interest intermediation that are present in all unions: and not as a classification devise to put different unions into distinct boxes. Furthermore, the more vertical governance structures of the EU's new economic governance regime transcend national boundaries, the more one must move beyond a Weberian or Gramscian focus on the nation state. Accordingly, the chapter suggests a new research agenda that aims to go beyond the methodological nationalism that is still dominating much of industrial relations and political economy research. ; 18 month embargo - AC

The evolution of Portuguese civil society after the postrevolution period (1974) is framed in a normalization of the concept of democracy, significantly reducing civic participation. In a period of severe austerity (2011‒14), civic and social movements emerged strongly in Portuguese society and organized protests throughout the country and abroad. Anchored to the values of the Carnation Revolution, civil society took to the streets to claim the end of austerity. In September 2012, the government withdrew one of the proposed austerity measures after a million demanded it in the largest demonstration since the time of the April Revolution. This article analyzes and discusses the representations of the protests and activists in mainstream digital media and how social movements used Facebook to engage with different publics and promote civic participation.

Can an elite-sponsored outcome be a social movement outcome? In Kreil v. Germany, the European Court of Justice issued a judgment hailed as a feminist victory, censuring Germany's exclusion of women from the military. But the women's movement did not sponsor the case; it was an organizational achievement for the nascent court that extended its jurisdiction to public security while preserving its legitimacy among potentially non-cooperative member states. With this case, I reassess movement-elite relations in the context of past protests that forged discursive resources. The women's movement did play an important role in this case: the court relied on discursive resources from past feminist activism to legitimize its decision and frame it as a matter of women's rights, drawing attention away from its uncertain jurisdiction. I present a model of "borrowing" from movements, a relationship distinct from alliances and cooptation, to show how elite-sponsored outcomes can still be movement outcomes. Adapted from the source document.

Ostdeutsche werden im öffentlichen Diskurs gerne als Opfer der deutschen Einheit stilisiert. Tatsächlich haben sie sich von der friedlichen Revolution bis heute als mächtige politische Akteure erwiesen. Detlef Pollack analysiert aus wissenschaftlicher Perspektive und mithilfe seiner persönlichen Erfahrungen als Zeitzeuge und Teilnehmer, wie sich dies bereits im revolutionären Umbruch von 1989 erkennen lässt. Denn die entscheidenden Dynamiken gingen nicht, wie vielfach behauptet, von einer kleinen Schar Oppositioneller aus, sondern von der breiten Bevölkerung selbst. Diese Macht des Volkes zeigt sich bis heute, wo die ostdeutsche Bevölkerung durch ihr Wahlverhalten und nicht zuletzt auch durch ihren Opferdiskurs wiederum Berücksichtigung einklagt. Am ostdeutschen Protestverhalten lässt sich begreifen, wie sich eine Bevölkerung zum Volk konstituiert - unter den Bedingungen von Diktatur und Demokratie.

Olaf Tschimpke, President of the German Nature And Biodiversity Conservation Union (Naturschutzbund Deutschland, NABU), argues for governmental support for environmental associations. He presents two justifications: firstly, he refers to the legal duty of nature conservation, and secondly, he argues that the state alone could not meet all challenges of environmental protection on its own. Also, he does not believe that accepting state funding might undermine conservation organizations' rights and ability to criticize government action; on the contrary, environmental protection in Germany has always been a protest movement. The author favours a critical-constructive approach towards the state, and suggests to support credibility by initiating meaningful and successful projects. Having strong internal organizational democracy also helps against the suspicion of corruptibility. Adapted from the source document.

We live in an era of pervasive connectivity. At an astonishing pace, much of the world's population is joining a common network. The proliferation of communications and information technology creates very significant changes for statecraft. But we have to keep in mind that the Internet is not a magic potion for political and social progress. Technology by itself is agnostic. It simply amplifies the existing sociologies on the ground, for good or ill. And it is much better at organizing protest movements than organizing institutions to support new governments in place of those that have been toppled. Diplomacy in the twenty-first century must grapple with both the potential and the limits of technology in foreign policy, and respond to the disruptions that it causes in international relations.

Our hypermediated societies affect the very nature of what a social movement is. This article identifies five core nodal points of what constitutes a social movement: Program claims, Identity construction, Connections, Actions, and Resolve (PICAR). Primarily using France's yellow vest movement case, I assess the impact of social media on these nodal points. I find that social media afford opportunities as well as present challenges for contemporary movements which taken together amounts to a newly emerging ontology. This new-new social movement ontology is characterized by processes of discontinuity (open ideological positioning, fluid collective identities, weak ties, an online repertoire of action, and relative ephemerality) co-existing with continuity (the return of a class politics of redistribution, the continued importance of collective identity, offline repertoires, and cycles of protest). This analysis demonstrates the dynamic interplay between political and mediation opportunity structures, producing new emancipatory potentials and challenging constraints.

This thesis examines the growing social phenomenon of online political protests in China. While studies have found that internet technologies have empowered the Chinese government to stifle political mobilization and dissent on the Internet, they failed to explain the proliferation of political protests in China's cyberspace. Other studies focused on how the Internet's technical features, contradictions within China's political system, or individuals' grievances contributed to the occurrence of online political protests. However, the principal limitation of these studies was that they could not explain why the effects of online political protests on China's political changes were so limited. This thesis presents an examination of the emergence and political impacts of China's online political protests. It employs the Political Opportunity Structure theory to explain why online political protests frequently occur in China and why they have not caused meaningful changes to China's political system. The thesis argues that the emergence and demise of China's online political protests are dependent upon four key factors--elite divisions, internet control, online social networks, and influential allies, which form political opportunity structures for online political protests. While the existence of elite divisions, capricious internet control, extensive online social networks, and the active role of influential allies cause the occurrence and development of online political protests, the disappearance of such factors will damage political opportunity structures for online political protests, thereby leading to their end. The thesis conducts three case studies--the Lei Yang event (雷洋事件), the Watch Brother event (表哥事件), and the Chai Jing event (柴静事件)--to test the validity of its main argument. The thesis represents a further step towards apply social movement theories to study acts of protest in China's cyberspace. Moreover, by examining the dynamic process of online political protests, it has provided a deeper insight ...

Surveying the role of the arts in social movements offers approaches for ways in which art therapists can be collaborators in peacebuilding. A contemporary review of activist and protest art reveals four sources of inspiration for how art therapists can contribute: intentional symbols and metaphors, solidarity, memorializing, and resilience. When integrated with peacebuilding strategies, art therapists can support social movements by visualizing injustices, representing voices, bringing people together, and imagining solutions. By working in collaboration with peacebuilders, art therapists can apply social justice stances to different strands of peacebuilding.

"Russland" und "Feminismus" scheinen eine fragliche Kombination zu sein. Russland ist eher für neopatriarchale Politik bekannt, die für Feminismus kaum Platz lässt. Doch in den letzten 15 Jahren ist in Russland eine feministische Basisbewegung entstanden. Was tut sie? Wie kann sie sich in einem ungünstigen Kontext durchsetzen? Wie massenhaft und inklusiv ist diese Bewegung und wie geht sie mit inneren Konflikten um? Kerndaten dieser Studie sind qualitative Interviews mit Feminist*innen aus vier Städten in Russland, ergänzt durch mehrjährige Beobachtung der feministischen Szenen. Aufgrund dieser Daten behaupte ich, dass die zeitgenössische feministische Bewegung in Russland eine dezentrale Basisbewegung ist, welche Macht auf mehreren Ebenen der sozialen Organisation herausfordert. Neben dem öffentlichen Protest übt sie diskursive Politik aus und wirkt durch die Einführung neuer Definitionen und Denkweisen direkt auf die Gesellschaft. Intersektional betrachtet wird die Bewegungsbeteiligung durch Mehrfachmarginalisierung aufgrund des Ressourcenmangels und Disempowerment beeinträchtigt. Kollektive Lösungen können Ressourcenumverteilung und Berücksichtigung von Differenz darstellen. Debatten um Differenz und Inklusion sind ein zentraler Bereich, in welchem die feministische Bewegung soziale Innovation herstellt. Schließlich verortet diese Studie die zeitgenössische feministische Bewegung in Russland in einem globalen postkolonialen Kontext. Ich behaupte, dass ein lineares Fortschrittsnarrativ, welches Feminismus als Kennzeichen der westlichen Moderne konstruiert, die Beziehung zwischen russländischen und westlichen Feminismen sowie die Machtdynamiken zwischen Feminist*innen in Metropolen, (post-)kolonialen und nichtkolonialen Peripherien Russlands prägt. An scheinbar für eine feministische Praxis ungeeigneten Orten widerstehen Feminist*innen kolonialen und imperialen Narrativen und betreiben eine auf lokalen Erfahrungen basierende feministische Politik. ; The words "Russia" and "feminism" seem to be an ...