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This article analyzes the position of the Christian churches on the protests in Belarus in 2020. This study contributes to the research on the state-society relationship in autocratic regimes by nuancing the thesis that civil society is either marginalized or fully co-opted by the authoritarian state. The protest wave showed that the initiatives of religious groups fostered collective action in a state system that is punitive of any dissent. The article identifies churches as an ambivalent space: one where the state can exercise social control, but where potential resistance to the repressive state might also occur since they enjoy a greater degree of freedom than other organizations in authoritarian Belarus. Moreover, our study argues that religion can be seen as a privileged arena of protest within existing legal frameworks of the "contract" between the state and the church. By looking at the societal engagement of different religious confessions campaigning for their rights and promoting their visions of desirable political development on the grassroots level, this article addresses a range of opportunities to engage in civic activism in Belarus.

Various notions of ideology are briefly reviewed & the poverty & confusion of its conceptualization are noted. 3 major types of definition are identified: (1) a series of congruent representations of a particular period, society, or group, (2) a project, or "force for the mobilization of energies," & (3) a concealment or justification for the status quo. Whichever is accepted, ideology only exists in reference to concrete social situations & should be studied in terms of the institutions of science & the conflicts & contradictions surrounding them. Examples of protest movements are cited to demonstrate points of conflict in the area of the discourse of science--valid themes for research, the role of values, etc--& the area of its social application & practices within its institutions. These 2 aspects may be viewed as explaining each other: scientific work is not seen as proceeding in isolation, but rather as an area into which other social forces enter. J. N. Mayer.

The year 2008 marked the fortieth anniversary of the great revolts of 1968. As always, the occasion gave rise to impassioned debates. In Germany they were stimulated by the historian and 1968 veteran Götz Aly, who compared the 'sixty-eight' to the 'thirty-three' generations (the Nazi student body of the early 1930s), and postulated 'parallels in German history', continuities and 'similarities in the approach to mobilisation, political utopianism and the anti-bourgeois impulse'. Following the thirtieth anniversary in 1998, which triggered a flood of scholarly publications, we have had ten further years of research into the recent history of the 1960s, up to the fortieth anniversary in 2008. In 1998, the central question was still to remove the 1960s protest movements from the realm of myth and to establish the 'year of protest' (i.e. 1968) itself as a subject for historical research. Since 1998, the aims of international research have been to develop a global comparative analysis of the movements and to contextualise them historically. Particular attention has been devoted to locating political protest movements in the overall process of socio-cultural transformation through the 'long 1960s'.

Africa is the world's youngest continent, with the majority of its population under the age of 24. Although during the past decade the continent has experienced considerable economic growth, this has not translated into job creation and greater equity. Soaring unemployment rates have severely affected the younger generation especially; young people find it difficult to carve out a decent future. Most young Africans are living in a period of suspension between childhood and adulthood that I call 'waithood'. Youth in Africa, like their counterparts in Europe, North America, and other parts of the world, face similar crises of joblessness and restricted futures. Their struggles have driven many young Africans into the streets in protest movements that challenge the status quo and contest socioeconomic policies and governance strategies that exacerbate poverty, heighten social inequalities, and deny them basic freedoms. Young people have emerged as active social agents in the uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya, in the 'Y'en a Marre' (Enough is enough!) movement in Senegal, and in the food riots in Mozambique, counteracting the notion that youth are apathetic. What will be the result of these youth movements? Will young people be able to sustain them beyond streets protests and hold onto the promise for more equitable societies? This lecture examines the broad challenges facing young Africans today, particularly those relating to their socioeconomic position, citizenship, and political activism.

Throughout the history of the modern world-system, projects of globalization promoted by world elites have been met with resistance from people on the ground whose livelihoods have often been threatened. As the geographic scale of global capitalism has expanded, and its penetration into daily life has deepened, the scale and intensity of resistance to this system has grown as well. Local e?orts to protect traditional ways of life, for instance, have evolved into national campaigns for union protections and then into international movements for stronger labor, human rights, and environmental protections. Today, as global elites push for the ?nal incorporation of all regions into a single capitalist system based on neoliberal principles, they are being met by an unexpectedly resilient, far-reaching, and multi-faceted coalition of resistance. Whatever it may be called—the 'anti-globalization movement,' the 'global solidarity movement,' or the 'globalization protest movement'—it is clear that this anti-systemic movement has emerged as an important challenger to the dominance of global capital over the contemporary world.

After years of armed conflict, Iraqi citizens are fed up with the corruption and mismanagement of a political class that has allowed conditions in cities like Basra to deteriorate.

dth: 0px; " The research describes and explains the wave of protest movement in theKingdom of Morocco, one of the Muslim countries in the Western Arab, in the post-2011 constitutional referendum. The constitutional reform was carried out as a response to the large and massive people protest. Unlike the cases in other neighboring states where "Arab Spring" took place, the Moroccan movement receded without neither the fall of the regime nor massive casualties. However, intense protest kept taking place, especially in Muhammad V Street leading to the Parliament Building. Some interesting questions arise, including what the nature of the current protest is and why people still protest after the vast popular agreement toward the constitutional referendum. Based on library research and intense observation for forty days, and interviews, this study found that, to some extent, the Morocco protest has the same nature as that of the Arab Spring. The protest has "hidden agendas" although there are evidences that they dissembled in "smaller and partial issues because of some reasons". The author holds that Morocco is an important lesson for political reform in the current turbulent Arab world and, to abroader context, in the Muslim world. 0px; " Penelitian ini mendeskripsikan dan menjelaskan gerakan protest di KerajaanMaroko, salah satu negara Muslim di Arab Barat, paska referendum konstitusitahun 2011. Reformasi konstitusional di Maroko telah dilaksanakan sebagai respon terhadap protes rakyat dalam skala luas dan massif. Berbeda dengan yang terjadi di negara-negara "Musim Semi Arab" yang lain, gerakan protes itu surut tanpa disertai jatuhnya rezim dan jatuhnya korban dalam jumlah yang besar. Namun, Maroko masih diwarnai gerakan protes yang cukup intensif hampir setiap hari (kendati skalanya lebih kecil) khususnya di Jalan Muhammad V sampai depan gedung parlemen. Pertanyaannya adalah apa sesungguhnya karakter dari protes-protes yang masih berlangsung bahkan hingga saat ini? Mengapa mereka masih melakukan protes pasca ...

In 2011 and 2012, East Central Europe experienced the largest street demonstrations since the end of communist rule. The protest movements channelled a discontent with mainstream politics and the political class. They formulated no clear goals or even an alternative to the ruling order they criticised. Furthermore, no stable organisations were established. A special case is Hungary, where not only opponents of the government but supporters of the government also took to the streets. Adapted from the source document.