Predmet rada su činioci i struktura političke kulture mladih u Srbiji. Politička kultura shvaćena je kao sveukupnost političkih i politički relevantnih orijentacija među pripadnicima jedne političke zajednice koja obuhvata nekoliko tipova orijentacije: kognitivne, afektivne, motivacione, vrednosne i ponašajne. ; The paper explores the factors and structure of youth political culture in Serbia. Political culture is defined as a comprehensive sum of political and politically relevant orientations of the members of a political community and comprises several types of orientations: cognitive, affective, motivational, evaluative and behavioural. Accordingly, five components of youth political culture were distinguished and operationalised by a large number of indicators. The empirical basis for the thesis is a survey conducted in 25 randomly selected secondary schools from the city of Belgrade. The total of 788 students from four different types of secondary school participated in the research: grammar schools (N=202), technical (N=207), economic (N=211) and medical (N=168). The sample was restricted to students of the final year (average age M=18.10, SD=.40). Three-quarters of students (75%) in the sample attend urban secondary schools and one quarter suburban (25%). There were more female participants (58%) than male (42%). Research results indicate that the level of youth political knowledge is low. The majority are not informed about topical social and political issues nor acquainted with certain basic rules regarding the functioning of the Serbian political system, such as the election threshold, government composition or the number of MPs. The prevailing feelings towards numerous analysed political objects are negative. Young people are highly dissatisfied with the current socioeconomic situation. The President, the Government, the Parliament, police, judiciary, the European Union or NATO, are not much trusted. Political cynicism is dominant, while for the majority politics is not the field of interest nor is considered important in life. Most students believe that they cannot influence political affairs (however, surprisingly, they are ready to vote in the following elections) while their opinions on social activism are divided. The attitude towards pro-system values is often ambiguous and vague. The attitude towards democracy is predominantly positive. However, the majority of students do not perceive favourably the newly established mechanisms and institutions of market economy and are hence more inclined towards the socialist than (pro-)market orientation. It can be said that they do not support the freedom of speech, multi-party system and rule of law.
The impact of 'glass ceiling' syndrome and party selection on participation of women in parliament and other political institutions are examined in this article. 'Glass ceiling' syndrome, which means invisible, but almost impenetrable border that women face in professional life, keeping them away from positions of influence and progress in career, is the main reason for the small number of women involved in politics. According to the focus of the research, there are three groups of barriers to women's political participation. Most researchers examine the influence of the political system, institutional and legal mechanisms, the question of their transparency and functional improvement. Significantly less frequent approach came from authors who are concentrated on the social and economic barriers, financial conditions and the broader social context. The third group consists of those who are considering the ideological and psychological barriers, patriarchal cultural patterns, traditional gender roles, self-confidence, ambition and women's desire to be involved in politics. Political parties are key actors in the process of discrimination against women, because they do not allow them to be selected in a number of political functions. There are many factors that determine that the issue of gender equality is variously interpreted in political parties. The most present are contextual and ideological factors, referring to a different definition of the status of women on the political agenda, the social climate in terms of gender equality and respect for human rights, the level of social development and political freedom. Then come organizational factors pertaining to the structure of parties, the manner in which the leadership is elected, whether there are internal women's pressure groups and lobbying, and are women leaders are visible on high positions in decision-making process. Finally, there are institutional-legal factors, which include the type of electoral system, the legal and constitutional framework and the prescribed quotas on national and / or party level.
Did the social changes of 1989/90, both on the territory of the forrner Yugoslavia and the entire Eastern Europe, surprise political analysts? Or did the research in social sciences, particularly political science, sociology and psychology, perhaps supply enough material pointing to the possible changes as well as to the course they were going to take? In this work, the author gives a critical review of his studies conducted and published between 1980 and 1990 and, by hindsight, shows their relevance for understanding the recent radical and dramatic changes. Inevitably, the conclusion is that the author's research had pointed to the existence of all psychological conditions necessary for the events that followed. The long crisis, first economic and later political, gave rise to social unrest which soon turned into general agitation. (SOI : PM: S. 114)
Teza se bavi ispitivanjem uticaja sadržaja i sponzorstva negativnih političkih reklamnih poruka na stavove mladih glasača u Srbiji prema političkim kandidatima koji su meta ili sponzor tih poruka, zavisno od trajne i situacione političke involviranosti glasača i stepena njihove potrebe za kognicijom. Problem je razmatran u svetlu Teorije verovatnoće obrade. Cilj istraživanja bio je ispitati uticaje navedenih varijabli na stavove glasača prema sponzoru i meti negativne reklame, kao i na pojavu tzv. bumerang-efekta, nepovoljnijeg stava prema političkom kandidatu kada je sponzor negativne nego kada je sponzor pozitivne reklame. Izvedene su tri eksperimentalne studije: dvofaktorski mešoviti nacrt (situaciona involviranost, valenca poruke), jednofaktorski nacrt sa ponovljenim merenjima (sponzorstvo), i trofaktorski mešovit nacrt (situaciona politička involviranost, sadržaj poruke, sponzorstvo). Utvrđeno je da se u populaciji mladića studenata u Srbiji javlja bumerang-efekat. Efekti negativnih političkih reklama zavise značajno od trajne i situacione političke involviranosti, kao i od redosleda izlaganja poruka, sadržaja i sponzora reklamnih poruka, ali ne i od potrebe za kognicijom. Nalazi ukazuju na to da je upotreba negativnih političkih reklama neopravdana iz psihološke i šire društvene perspektive, osim pod posebnim uslovima. Objašnjavanjem psiholoških procesa pri izloženosti individua političkim reklamama, istraživanje direktno potvrđuje postulate Teorije verovatnoće obrade i njenu prediktivnost u oblasti političkog marketinga, na uzorku u Srbiji. Doprinos ove disertacije ogleda se i u tome što je ovo jedna od početnih studija istraživanja fenomena negativnih političkih reklama u Srbiji i psiholoških reakcija jednog segmenta glasača u Srbiji na njih ; The thesis examines the effect of the content and sponsorship of negative political advertising messages on the attitudes of young voters in Serbia towards political candidates who are the target or the sponsor of these messages, depending on the enduring and situational political involvement of voters and the level of their need for cognition. The issue has been considered in the light of Elaboration Likelihood Model. The aim of the research was to examine the effects of the mentioned variables on the attitudes of voters towards the sponsor and the target of negative advertisement, as well as on the occurrence of the so-called backlash effect, a less favorable attitude towards a political candidate being a sponsor of negative advertisement in comparison with himself being a sponsor of a positive advertisement. Three experimental studies have been carried out: two factor mixed design (situational involvement, message valence), single factor repeated measures design (sponsorship), and three factor mixed design (situational political involvement, message content, sponsorship). It has been determined that a backlash effect occured in population of young students in Serbia. The effects of negative political advertisements depend significantly on enduring and situational political involvement, as well as of the order of display of messages, content and sponsors of messages, but not on the need for cognition. The findings indicate that the use of negative political advertisements is not justified from a psychological and broader social perspective, except under special conditions. By explaining the psychological processes of individuals being exposed to political advertising messages, the research directly confirms the postulates of Elaboration Likelihood Model and its predictiveness in the field of political marketing, on a sample in Serbia. The contribution of this dissertation is also reflected in the fact that this is one of the initial research studies into the phenomenon of negative political advertisements in Serbia and psychological reactions of one segment of voters in Serbia to them
The subject of this dissertation relates to the study of psychosocial characteristics of military servicemen. The military profession implies significant social and personal responsibilities, requires discipline and unconditional compliance with the hierarchy of the military organization, willingness to be transferred if required, possible separation from the family, changing work environment and difficult working conditions, sometimes hazardous to health and life, and often quoted is also a limited freedom to express personal opinions and to participate in trade unions and politics. The military profession has undergone numerous transformations in the contemporary environment. Family tradition, which contributes to the development of the personality profile that predisposes a person to successful military service, has also undergone significant changes. The question is what represents the capacity of the individual to adapt to the military profession in the modern military organization, and what factors contribute to a successful military career. The success rate assessment is important for gaining insight into the proper balance of actual skills, knowledge and behavior patterns of officers possessing the desired standards in the defense system, set by the government and various requirements of international integration processes. Apart from rewarding the work, an adequate success rate assessment is important for personnel development planning, conception and evaluation of educational programs, HR policies, and is particularly important as a validation of selection procedures and in terms of enhancing complexity of the selection criteria for admission to the military (Pajević, 2006). In the military practice thus far, the officers' success has been perceived through the officer's rank, level of education / training, awards, duties that the officer has performed or is currently performing. Family environment, financial solvency and resolved housing issues have been used as the data complementing the picture of the officer, without a deeper analysis of the connection of these factors with motivation and success in the military profession. The PhD dissertation Family Context, Authoritarianism and Success Rate in the Military Profession deals with the success rate of the military profession performance from the perspective of the family and its role in the professional selection, advancement and success. The family context is considered to be both the family of origin and the current officer's family, more precisely, the emotional quality of partner relations. The family of origin is considered through the perceived parental upbringing practices towards children (acceptance and rejection). The current officer's family is considered as a modern institution that meets numerous psychological needs, such as affiliation, loyalty, protection, union, support and intimacy. The quality of emotional relations in partnerships is assessed on the basis of subjective evaluation of mutual respect, communication, understanding, acceptance and agreement in daily emotional partner relations (current families of officers). The main objective of the research is to determine the parameters associated with success in the military profession. In the core of the research is the family, i.e. the perceived parental upbringing styles and practices in the family of origin and their contribution in shaping the personality of a person whose professional choice is the military vocation, performed with more or less success. In addition, the relations between these parameters and the quality and satisfaction with partnerships have been studied, as well as the ways those partnerships contribute to the satisfaction and success in the military profession. Specifically, we were interested whether the contribution of the current partnership to the satisfaction and success in the military profession is more significant than the contribution of the family of origin. A particularly important aim of the research was to study the contribution of upbringing styles and practices in the family of origin in shaping the authoritarian personality structure, as well as the connection between authoritarianism and the parameters of success in the military profession. The study used the Questionnaire on Success in the Military Profession (designed for research purposes), Parental Acceptance/Rejection Questionnaire - PARQ (Rohner, 1984), Revised F scale of authoritarianism (Rot and Havelka, 1973) and Dyadic Adjustment Scale - DAS (Spanier, 1976) to assess the emotional quality of partnerships. The reliability of the applied tools is high (Cronbach's alpha coefficients range from 0.744 to 0.893). The sample is purposive and composed of the Serbian Armed Forces officers (443 in total), divided into three subsamples (successful, average, and unsuccessful) in accordance with the criteria set by the Ministry of Defense and the Serbian Armed Forces. The correlation analysis results have shown a statistically significant positive correlation between the perception of the parental acceptance (mother, father), on the one hand, and educational and professional success, positive perception of the job and people, good cooperation and communication with both superiors and subordinates, on the other hand. Also, a statistically significant negative correlation between the authoritarian personality structure – authoritarianism, and the criteria of objective and subjective success was found. The respondents with higher levels of authoritarianism are more commonly found in the lower ranks and have lower performance grades, while the respondents with average (lower) levels of authoritarianism have higher ranks and higher performance grades. The respondents with higher levels of authoritarianism assessed the cooperation with the subordinates in helping to resolve personal problems with higher scores. In addition, it has been determined that there are complex relations between the conformity of intimate partners and success in performing their jobs. A statistically significant correlation between the conformity of the partners and the objective elements of success was determined. Officers with higher performance grades perceive a greater cohesion in partnerships, while the lower ranked officers of more satisfied with agreement in the partnership dyad and emotional expression. Also, there was a statistically significant correlation found between the conformity of intimate partners and the subjective success rates. The respondents with higher self-assessment of their professional performance, knowledge of the rules and regulations of the military service, good relations with the subordinates are more satisfied in the partnership dyad. A statistically significant correlation between the perceived parental acceptance / rejection and authoritarianism was determined. The respondents who perceive their parents as rejecting and hostile have a more pronounced authoritarian personality structure. Also, the respondents who assessed their parents as accepting have established a better conformity with their intimate partners in all aspects. The results of multiple regression analysis show that authoritarianism is a significant predictor of the objective success rate, while the emotional quality of partner relations is a significant predictor of the subjective success in the military profession. The obtained results conform with all of the hypotheses and previous research suggesting that the professional success depends on a proper balance between the family and professional roles. In addition, the results and conclusions can be further developed on the basis of research of other relevant factors of professional success, such as: psychological personality profile, system of values, social and emotional intelligence, communication skills. Also, the results enhance the knowledge about the factors of the general professional success, including the military profession (especially in terms of the development of authoritarian personality structure from the perspective of the parental acceptance / rejection theory, as well as the importance of the emotional quality of partner relations) in order to implement them in the military education curricula (primarily in the Military psychology subject) and training plans for the Ministry of Defense and the Serbian Armed Forces personnel, innovation in the selection processes and modification of the psychological selection criteria, and career management.
The impact of 'glass ceiling' syndrome and party selection on participation of women in parliament and other political institutions are examined in this article. 'Glass ceiling' syndrome, which means invisible, but almost impenetrable border that women face in professional life, keeping them away from positions of influence and progress in career, is the main reason for the small number of women involved in politics. According to the focus of the research, there are three groups of barriers to women's political participation. Most researchers examine the influence of the political system, institutional and legal mechanisms, the question of their transparency and functional improvement. Significantly less frequent approach came from authors who are concentrated on the social and economic barriers, financial conditions and the broader social context. The third group consists of those who are considering the ideological and psychological barriers, patriarchal cultural patterns, traditional gender roles, self-confidence, ambition and women's desire to be involved in politics. Political parties are key actors in the process of discrimination against women, because they do not allow them to be selected in a number of political functions. There are many factors that determine that the issue of gender equality is variously interpreted in political parties. The most present are contextual and ideological factors, referring to a different definition of the status of women on the political agenda, the social climate in terms of gender equality and respect for human rights, the level of social development and political freedom. Then come organizational factors pertaining to the structure of parties, the manner in which the leadership is elected, whether there are internal women's pressure groups and lobbying, and are women leaders are visible on high positions in decision-making process. Finally, there are institutional-legal factors, which include the type of electoral system, the legal and constitutional framework and the prescribed quotas on national and / or party level.
Istraživanje je podstaknuto učestalom pojavomdemotivisanosti za učenje kod gimnazijskih maturanata,koja je primetna u proteklim godinama. Cilj istraživanja je da se rasvetle upravo ovi činioci demotivisanosti. U okviru kulturno-psihološkog i sociološko teorijskog okvira ovog istraživanja motivacija se opisuje kao proces u kom se susreću karakteristike konteksta i karakteristike osobe. Кao važni činioci motivacije za učenje prepoznaju se percepcija instrumentalnosti i upotrebne vrednosti učenja i znanja i perspektiva budućnosti. Poseban značaj imaju karakteristike konteksta u kom se uči, tj. način na koji su učenici podstaknuti da veruju da je ponašanje u sadašnjosti (učenje i postignuće) svrsishodno za postizanje budućih ciljeva. U ovom kvalitativnom istraživanju postavljena su sledeća istraživačka pitanja: 1) Na koje načine učenici vide upotrebnu vrednost učenja i postignuća za budućnost? 2) Šta učenike navodi na određene perspektive budućnosti? Sprovedene su dve fokus grupe sa 20 maturanata dve beogradske gimnazije. Odabrani su učenici kod kojih je primećen pad i u motivaciji za učenje i u postignuću, u prvom polugodištu četvrtog razreda. Analiza sadržaja odgovora ukazuje na sledeće:1) učenici ne prepoznaju znanja i postignuća kao instrumente društvene promocije, jer kako navode, ima drugih načina koji su lakši i brži; 2) mogućnost da se uslov za upis na fakultet obezbedi posredstvom prijemnog ispita, kao i izvesnost upisa na privatne fakultete i pre završene školske godine, školsko postignuće spušta na listi prioriteta; 3) statusna hijerarhija nije hijerarhija znanja i veština. Na najvišim položajima nisu ljudi koji najviše znaju ili umeju. Može se zaključiti da se sa društvenim promenama menja i perspektiva budućnosti učenika što negativno utiče na motivisanost za učenje.Stoga je pri planiranju obrazovnih politika važno da budu prepoznati kontekstualni činioci motivacije za učenje, ali je neophodno i da svi učesnici budu angažovani u kreiranju nove obrazovne stvarnosti. ; The research was stimulated by the frequent occurrence of demotivation for learning among high school graduates, which has been noticeable in recent years. The aim of the research is to clarify these particular factors for demotivation. Within the cultural-psychological and sociological theoretical framework of this research, motivation is described as a process in which characteristics of a context and characteristics of personality meet. Perception of instrumentality and use value of learning and knowledge, as well as perspectives in future, are recognized as important factors of motivation for learning. Characteristics of the context in which learning is conducted, ways by which students are encouraged to believe that their behaviour in the present (learning and achievement) is meaningful for achieving future goals, are in focus. In this qualitative research, the following research questions were asked: 1) do the students see the use value of learning and achievement for the future? 2) What leads students towards certain perspectives of the future? Two focus groups were conducted with 20 high school graduates from two Belgrade high schools. The students who demonstrated a decline both in motivation for learning and achievement in the first semester of the 4th grade, were selected. Analysis of the content of the answers provides the following insights: 1) the students do not recognize knowledge and achievements as instruments of social promotion, because, as they say, there are other ways that are easier and faster; 2) with the possibility for enrolment through the entrance exam and enrolment to private faculties even before the end of the school year, the school achievement loses priority; 3) the status hierarchy is not a hierarchy of knowledge and skills. People with great knowledge and skills are not in the highest positions in society. It can be concluded that with the social changes, the students' perspective of the future also changes, which negatively affects the motivation to learn. Therefore, when planning educational policies, it is important to recognize the contextual factors of motivation for learning, as well as the engagement of all participants in creating a new educational reality. ; Knjiga rezimea, 25. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa" ; Book of abstracts / 25th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"
Cilj ove doktorske disertacije jeste da pruži argumente u prilog epistemičkog opravdanja demokratije. Tvrdićemo da zbog toga što čisto proceduralno opravdanje definiše autoritet i legitimnost demokratije samo u odnosu na pravičnost same procedure, ono ne može biti adekvatno objašnjenje za sve ono do čega nam je u demokratiji istinski stalo. Ljudima je u demokratiji veoma važan i sam ishod demokratskog procesa. Legitimost demokratske procedure, dakle, zavisi i od kvaliteta odluka koje ta procedura proizvodi. Uspon epistemičkih teorija o demokratiji je u skladu sa porastom popularnosti ideje o "mudrosti gomile" koju pronalazimo u različitim oblastima istraživanja. Zbog toga ćemo se osvrnuti na razvoj i rezultate organizacione teorije i predstaviti psihološke nalaze o kapacitetima ljudskog rasuđivanja. Instrumentalne ili epistemičke teorije tvrde da je demokratija legitimna ako i samo ako ima tendenciju da nas dovede do "dobrih" ili "istinitih" političkih odluka. Tvrdićemo da ono što omogućava da demokratsko odlučivanje, pod određenim uslovima, ima veću epistemičku vrednost od alternativnih formi odlučivanja jeste postojanje kognitivne raznovrsnosti unutar grupe koja donosi političke odluke. Pružićemo teorijske i empirijske argumente u prilog epistemičke vrednosti kolektivnog, demokratkog donošenja odluka. Ukazaćemo na značaj političkih institucija koje mogu da omoguće prisustvo kognitivne raznovrsnosti i povećaju nivo pojedinačne kompetencije opšte javnosti. Takođe ćemo tvrditi da je neophodno kombinovati deliberativnu i agregativnu metodu, i to upravo tim redosledom, s obzirom da i jedna i druga imaju važne epistemičke karakteristike. ; The aim of this doctoral dissertation is to provide arguments in support of the epistemic justification of democracy. We will argue that because a purely procedural justification defines the authority and legitimacy of democracy only in relation to the fairness of the procedure itself, it can not be an adequate explanation for all the things we really care about in democracy. The outcome of the democratic process itself is very important to people in democracy. The legitimacy of a democratic procedure, therefore, depends on the quality of the decisions that this procedure produces. The rise of epistemic theories about democracy is in line with the increasing popularity of the idea of the "wisdom of the crowds" that we find in various fields of research. Therefore, we will look at the development and results of organizational theory and present psychological findings about human reasoning capacities. Instrumental or epistemic theories claim that democracy is legitimate if and only if it has a tendency to lead us to "good" or "true" political decisions. We will argue that what allows democratic decision-making, under certain conditions, to have a higher epistemic value than alternative forms of decision-making is the existence of the cognitive diversity of a group that makes political decisions. We will provide theoretical and empirical arguments in favor of the epistemic value of collective, democratic decision-making. We will point out the importance of political institutions that can enable the presence of cognitive diversity and increase the level of individual competence of the general public. We will also argue that it is necessary to combine a deliberative and aggregative method, precisely in this order, given that both of them have important epistemic characteristics.
Cilj ove doktorske disertacije jeste da pruži argumente u prilog epistemičkog opravdanja demokratije. Tvrdićemo da zbog toga što čisto proceduralno opravdanje definiše autoritet i legitimnost demokratije samo u odnosu na pravičnost same procedure, ono ne može biti adekvatno objašnjenje za sve ono do čega nam je u demokratiji istinski stalo. Ljudima je u demokratiji veoma važan i sam ishod demokratskog procesa. Legitimost demokratske procedure, dakle, zavisi i od kvaliteta odluka koje ta procedura proizvodi. Uspon epistemičkih teorija o demokratiji je u skladu sa porastom popularnosti ideje o "mudrosti gomile" koju pronalazimo u različitim oblastima istraživanja. Zbog toga ćemo se osvrnuti na razvoj i rezultate organizacione teorije i predstaviti psihološke nalaze o kapacitetima ljudskog rasuđivanja. Instrumentalne ili epistemičke teorije tvrde da je demokratija legitimna ako i samo ako ima tendenciju da nas dovede do "dobrih" ili "istinitih" političkih odluka. Tvrdićemo da ono što omogućava da demokratsko odlučivanje, pod određenim uslovima, ima veću epistemičku vrednost od alternativnih formi odlučivanja jeste postojanje kognitivne raznovrsnosti unutar grupe koja donosi političke odluke. Pružićemo teorijske i empirijske argumente u prilog epistemičke vrednosti kolektivnog, demokratkog donošenja odluka. Ukazaćemo na značaj političkih institucija koje mogu da omoguće prisustvo kognitivne raznovrsnosti i povećaju nivo pojedinačne kompetencije opšte javnosti. Takođe ćemo tvrditi da je neophodno kombinovati deliberativnu i agregativnu metodu, i to upravo tim redosledom, s obzirom da i jedna i druga imaju važne epistemičke karakteristike. ; The aim of this doctoral dissertation is to provide arguments in support of the epistemic justification of democracy. We will argue that because a purely procedural justification defines the authority and legitimacy of democracy only in relation to the fairness of the procedure itself, it can not be an adequate explanation for all the things we really care about in democracy. The outcome of the democratic process itself is very important to people in democracy. The legitimacy of a democratic procedure, therefore, depends on the quality of the decisions that this procedure produces. The rise of epistemic theories about democracy is in line with the increasing popularity of the idea of the "wisdom of the crowds" that we find in various fields of research. Therefore, we will look at the development and results of organizational theory and present psychological findings about human reasoning capacities. Instrumental or epistemic theories claim that democracy is legitimate if and only if it has a tendency to lead us to "good" or "true" political decisions. We will argue that what allows democratic decision-making, under certain conditions, to have a higher epistemic value than alternative forms of decision-making is the existence of the cognitive diversity of a group that makes political decisions. We will provide theoretical and empirical arguments in favor of the epistemic value of collective, democratic decision-making. We will point out the importance of political institutions that can enable the presence of cognitive diversity and increase the level of individual competence of the general public. We will also argue that it is necessary to combine a deliberative and aggregative method, precisely in this order, given that both of them have important epistemic characteristics.
