Suchergebnisse

The impact of globalization & regionalization on the European Union's (EU) welfare culture is examined in terms of the effects produced by both open international & internal competition among European nations. Welfare state growth in post-WWII Europe accompanied a focus on internal rather than external markets. Various economic conditions, eg, growing unemployment in the 1970s & 1980s, changed this, forcing nations to practice a mixture of openness & neoprotectionism that decreased external competition but increased competition among EU nations. Membership requirements such as a 3% public deficit & structural changes, eg, demographic growth, have caused nations to reduce their welfare spending & encouraged a standardization of welfare benefits among divergent liberal, corporatist, universalist, & late models that are characterized by differences in implementation, quantity, & quality; eg, GB (liberal) has reduced unemployment benefits, while Spain (late) has raised the retirement age. New economic conditions have changed the welfare state, yet each nation retains distinctive features. 4 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

Population growth in the eighteenth centre resulted in the appearance of large numbers of «vagrants and beggars» which the productive system was unable to absorb. Using as a main source the Minutes (Actas Capitulares) of the Murcia City Council, the authors examine the solutions that were applied to the situation, which are long way from the ideas on public health developed during the second half of the eighteenth century. The most notable response to the problem is the creation of institutions with a clearly «charitable» mentality. These are founded to ensure that, by. shutting them away, these socially-marginalized groups will cause the least nuisance possible, but they do however also provide clothing, health care arid even, on ocassions, training and work. As is to be expected in a period of transition, these measures were taken jointly by civil government and the church, with religious ideas eclipsing incipient mercantilist ideas. ; El proceso de crecimiento de la población que se experimenta a lo largo del siglo XVIII provocó la aparición de un número considerable de «vagos y mendigos» que el sistema productivo todavía era incapaz de absorber. Utilizando como fuente fundamental las Actas Capitulares del Ayuntamiento de Murcia se aborda aquí el estudio de las soluciones que se aplicaron a este fenómeno, que estarán todavía lejos de las ideas sobre salud pública que se. desarrollarán a partir de la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII. La respuesta más notable al problema es representada en este momento por la creación de instituciones que, aún con una mentalidad claramente «caritativa», procuran que los marginados de la sociedad causen las menores molestias posibles recluyéndolos, pero también dotándoles de vestido, asistencia sanitaria e incluso en ocasiones, formación y trabajo. Como corresponde a un período de transición, las actuaciones serán compartidas entre la administración civil y la Iglesia, y serán manifiestas las ideas de tipo religioso que las impulsan, en tanto que las incipientes ideas de carácter ...

"Attributes increasing open urban unemployment shown in annual surveys (1992-94) to the saturation of the informal sector and to the increase of labor force participation rates in response to economic crisis. Disaggregates results based on salary, age, education, sex, and underemployment by sector and occupational status. Advocates employment-generating public projects (particularly those aimed at women), increased emphasis on basic education, and expanded social welfare programs"--Handbook of Latin American Studies, v. 57

The introduction of cinema in Mexico City in 1896 was accompanied by the need for regulatory measures to ensure the welfare & safety of the population, & the first ordinance specific to movie theaters was enforced in 1908. The theaters required safety measures to avoid fires, & it was necessary to provide emergency exits & to establish a limit to the number of patrons. Public morals raised other issues: spirits were brought to the theaters & the drinkers upset public order; & authorities fought against pornography. An ordinance was passed in 1913, that forbade the exhibition of films that offended public morals. In 1919, during the Venustiano Carranza administration, the first rule on cinema censorship was approved, & the Censorship Council was established, which had the authority to cut scenes offensive to public morality or likely to upset the public order. Also, in 1919, Carranza signed a decree that imposed a tax of 8% on theater income generated by 75% of their capacity. Regulations related to ticket speculation were imposed several times between 1909 & 1920. 2 Appendixes. Modified AA

This work presents some recent information that documents the regressive effects of the external debt, and deals with promoting reflection upon the so called State of Adversity, which by means of political regulation, (and contrary to the classic State of Welfare), is being created in the Region. This workalsoputs forth some points which seem inevitable in the still open debate regarding the growth-equity relationship in Latin America. Firstly, a revision of the principal social and economic indicators is made beginning with the early years of this decade ('90). Secondly, the inserted patterns of regulation are synthetically introduced; and some of the results and problems are analyzed. Thirdly, and as an effect of successive regulation implementations that have not accomplished the desired macroeconomic equilibrium (nor economic growth), the creation of the State of Adversity is analyzed by means of looking at the desintegration that takes place in the incipient State of Wellbeing that exists in the Region. This disjointed situation brings with it a significant reduction in the quantity and quality of social services in the public sector and the exclusion of an even greater segment of the population (those pertaining to a characteristically subsistence level economy and low productivity). We do not deny the need for regulation, nor do we belive that it should encompass the social sectors, where significant financial allotments geared to combat suffering and poverty, at the same time, have not been unable to avoid their expansion (not to mention the total elimination of same). The problem here lies not in regulation, but in what kind of regulation and for whom. Finally, this workpresents some ideas on mixed economy of wellbeing which could recover the potential of the public sector and market by urging a collective macroregulation that would make possible the needed investments to finance a growth with greater social integration. ; El presente trabajo pretende dar algunas informaciones básicas recientes que ...

Sexual morality, with all its implications of social and personal control, its ideological burden and search of scientific support as a justification of the evolution of the social and political struggle in Spain during the first third of the century. Medicine, ranking extremely high in a strongly medicalized society due to the actual conditions in public health and a pathologizing moral, with an ambigous position between science and welfare, played an important role in the struggle to establish a new moral attitude more suited to go along with the ambitioned social transformations. ; La moral sexual, con todas sus implicaciones de control social y personal, su carga ideológica y su búsqueda de apoyos científicos como respaldo y justificación del establecimiento de normas morales, fue un elemento muy importante en el desarrollo de las luchas sociales y políticas de la España del primer tercio de este siglo. La medicina, de enorme importancia en una sociedad muy medicalizada por la situación sanitaria real y por una moral «patologizante», con su ambigua posición entre la ciencia y la beneficencia, jugó un importante papel en las luchas por establecer una nueva moral acorde con las transformaciones sociales que se buscaban.

La evolución, en términos de composición y tamaño, de la administración pública estuvo directamente ligada al problema del Estado y a sus cambios en determinadas circunstancias históricas, económicas e ideológicas. Por ello durante años no sólo a nivel local sino también en muchos países desarrollados, la tendencia a mantener grandes estructuras de administración pública se vio como algo necesario e inherente al propio proceso de desarrollo. La última versión sobre la modernización del Estado mexicano, el liberalismo social, pretendió separarse de su pariente más cercano el neoliberalismo, pero en esencia siguió los mismos postulados de éste, es decir, privilegiar la acción privada sobre la acción económica y social. La profundización de las diferencias económicas y de los conflictos sociales internos serán llamados a poner fin a una transformación económica que más que buscar la reestructuración a ultranza del Estado y de su administración pública debería crear las condiciones para que la misma cubriera de manera eficiente su papel como el centro de ejecución de las tareas de gobierno destinadas a promover el bienestar de la población más desprotegida. ; The evolution, in terms of composition and size of the public administration was directly linked to the problem of the state and its changes in certain historical, economic and ideological circumstances. Therefore for years not only locally but also in many developed countries, the tendency to hold large public administration structures was seen as a necessary and inherent in the development process. The latest version of the modernization of the Mexican government, social liberalism, tried to separate himself from his closest relative neoliberalism, but essentially followed the same principles of it, that is, favoring private action on economic and social action. Deepening economic disparities and social conflict will be called to end an economic transformation that should more than seek uncompromising restructuring of the state and its public administration to create the conditions so that it would cover efficiently its role as the center of execution of the tasks of government to promote the welfare of the most vulnerable population.

La evolución, en términos de composición y tamaño, de la administración pública estuvo directamente ligada al problema del Estado y a sus cambios en determinadas circunstancias históricas, económicas e ideológicas. Por ello durante años no sólo a nivel local sino también en muchos países desarrollados, la tendencia a mantener grandes estructuras de administración pública se vio como algo necesario e inherente al propio proceso de desarrollo. La última versión sobre la modernización del Estado mexicano, el liberalismo social, pretendió separarse de su pariente más cercano el neoliberalismo, pero en esencia siguió los mismos postulados de éste, es decir, privilegiar la acción privada sobre la acción económica y social. La profundización de las diferencias económicas y de los conflictos sociales internos serán llamados a poner fin a una transformación económica que más que buscar la reestructuración a ultranza del Estado y de su administración pública debería crear las condiciones para que la misma cubriera de manera eficiente su papel como el centro de ejecución de las tareas de gobierno destinadas a promover el bienestar de la población más desprotegida. ; The evolution, in terms of composition and size of the public administration was directly linked to the problem of the state and its changes in certain historical, economic and ideological circumstances. Therefore for years not only locally but also in many developed countries, the tendency to hold large public administration structures was seen as a necessary and inherent in the development process. The latest version of the modernization of the Mexican government, social liberalism, tried to separate himself from his closest relative neoliberalism, but essentially followed the same principles of it, that is, favoring private action on economic and social action. Deepening economic disparities and social conflict will be called to end an economic transformation that should more than seek uncompromising restructuring of the state and its public administration to create the conditions so that it would cover efficiently its role as the center of execution of the tasks of government to promote the welfare of the most vulnerable population.

Desde 1975 las principales políticas de cuidado de los niños de ámbito nacional en España han consistido en la puesta en marcha de un alto número de programas educativos para niños de cuatro y cinco años, lo cual contrasta con la escasa oferta de tales servicios para los menores de tres años. Al examinar el papel desempeñado por distintos actores sociales y políticos en la fase del proceso de toma de decisiones políticas denominada el «establecimiento de la agenda» (agenda setting), podemos observar que los actores que desde 1975 podían haber demandado otro tipo de medidas (principalmente el movimiento de mujeres, las feministas de Estado y de los sindicatos) no las han reivindicado o lo han hecho tímidamente, debido a la influencia de los siguientes factores: el pasado político autoritario; las peculiaridades del mercado de trabajo; las características del Estado de bienestar, y las concepciones de amplios sectores de la población acerca del cuidado de los menores. En realidad, en este área de política pública se han desarrollado en las dos últimas décadas las medidas ya existentes antes de 1975, esto es, los servicios educativos en centros públicos para niños mayores de tres años. ; A distinguishing feature characterizes the main Spanish central-state child care policies (for children under six, when mandatory education starts). Most policies are educational pre-school programs for children aged three or over. The scope of these programs is quite high in comparative terms. In contrast, the percentage of Spanish children aged two or under cared for in public centers is one of the lowest in the European Union. The characteristics of Spanish child care policy can be understood by examining the political agenda, and the role played by the main social and political actors of the agenda setting stage. Those who might have emerged as determined advocates of more public child care programs after 1975, namely, the feminist movement, state feminists, and the women's departments of trade unions, have in practice not consistently advanced such demands. This paper examines why women's advocates either did not mobilize around child care issues, or were unable to introduce their demands into the government's agenda. The relevant explanatory factors include: the influence of the authoritarian political past; the characteristics of the labor market and the welfare state; and societal views on child rearing. Policy-makers have extended the programs which already existed before 1975, that is, educational services. They have been defined by policy-makers as measures that chiefly benefit children. Therefore, the policies are targeted at children aged three or over, because in Spain most policy-makers think that children should be enrolled in educational programs around the age of three.