Suchergebnisse

Introduction. Currently, assessments performed on establishments where nonhuman primates (NHP) are captive are partial and their compliance is limited. At the international level, assessment instruments have been applied to zoos in a comprehensive way and just some of them have been published in scientific journals. Objective. In order to assess the animal welfare (AW), public health (PH) and environmental health (EH) in nonhuman primates (NHP) in captivity, an instrument, which could be useful as an indicator of compliance of the different assumptions evaluated, was designed. Materials and methods. For the design of this instrument the following aspects, stated in the Official Mexican Standards and in the legislation on the matter in our country, were considered: indicators of success, quality standards in shelters and assumptions about AW, PH and EH. The instrument consists of 38 items for AW, 47 for PH and 16 for EH, the measuring scale of the degree of compliance for each of the assumptions evaluated was: high, medium, low and non-existent, according to the scores obtained. The instrument was applied to a total of 63 NHP of different species in three establishments located in the State of México. Results. The instrument presented substantial agreement between establishments, resulting in Kappa index: K = 0.70, K = 0.88 and K = 0.75 for each of the assumptions assessed. Conclusions. The analysis of results in the three establishments allowed the issuing of a series of recommendations for each organization. Finally, the validated instrument was applied in the CIVS in Bacalar. Parque Loro, Puebla, had the best score in the three categories assessed, followed by the CIVS Bacalar and the last one being Zacango Zoo.

Petryna, A. (2016). Ciudadanía biológica: ciencia y políticas sobre poblaciones expuestas a Chernobyl. Redes, 22(42), 83-107. ; El contexto de la transición del socialismo al capitalismo de mercado dentro de las repúblicas que formaban parte del bloque soviético no solo implicó profundas transformaciones a nivel de la política, sino que también dio lugar a un profundo reordenamiento de cuerpos, poblaciones y categorías de ciudadanía. El manejo técnico-racional de los grupos afectados por el desastre de Chernobyl en Ucrania se presenta como una ventana privilegiada para problematizar este proceso. Chernobyl ejemplifica un momento en el que la cognoscibilidad científica –o la capacidad de conocimiento de la ciencia– colapsó, dando lugar a la emergencia de nuevos mapas y categorías de derecho. Los modelos previos de bienestar social estaban basados en definiciones precisas que situaban a los ciudadanos y atributos que definían esta condición en una trama de categorías conocidas, sobre las cuales se fundamentaban las demandas por el reconocimiento de derechos. El caso que aquí analizo permite dar cuenta de cómo las ambigüedades vinculadas a la categorización del sufrimiento crearon un campo político en el cual se reformularon nociones más amplias de Estado, formas de ciudadanía y economías informales. ; In the transition out of socialism to market capitalism, bodies, populations, and categories of citizenship have been reordered. The rational-technical management of groups affected by the Chernobyl disaster in Ukraine is a window into this contested process. Chernobyl exemplifies a moment when scientific knowability collapsed and new maps and categories of entitlement emerged. Older models of welfare rely on precise definitions situating citizens and their attributes on a cross-mesh of known categories upon which claims rights are based. Here one observes how ambiguities related to categorizing suffering created a political field in which a state, forms of citizenship, and informal economies.

Commentary on public welfare and social disorder in Mexico City following the reinstatement of the Spanish Constitution

Report by the Junta Economico Adminstrativa, summarising the department's responsibilities and observations concerning primary education, roads, markets, jails, cemeteries, public health, departmental revenues, hospitals and public welfare. Dated Montevideo, 26 December 1858

Vol. 4: Apéndice. ; Vols. 3-4 printed by Imprenta "Prisma." ; At head of title: Ministerio de Fomento. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Compilor's signed presentation copy to Plácido Jimenez.

Since Hugo Chávez's rise to the presidency, Venezuela has become a deeply divided country. The ensuing polarization has expressed in violent forms of political fanaticism; in the partisan fracture of many professional and labor associations, of the army, in open warfare between private and public media outlets; in the weakening of the private sector of the economy and, overall, in the erosion of sociability. The present article seeks to explain the causes of such a high degree of polarization. It departs from two main hypotheses: First, the Bolivarian Revolution reveals two distinct faces: an authoritarian face and a welfare face. Second, the coexistence of these two faces accounts for the high degree of political polarization. The article concludes by arguing that the contrasting perspectives Venezuelans hold in relation to the Bolivarian Revolution are closely associated to their divergent views regarding the meaning and practice of democracy.ResumenAutoritarismo versus bienestar social: Las dos caras de la revolución bolivariana Augusto De Venanzi Desde la llegada de Hugo Chávez a la presidencia, Venezuela se ha convertido en un país profundamente dividido. La polarización política resultante se viene expresando en diversas formas de fanatismo político, en la fractura partidista de las asociaciones profesionales y sindicales, la división del ejercito, en la persecución a los medios de comunicación adversos al gobierno, en el debilitamiento del sector privado de la economía y sobre todo en la erosión de la sociabilidad. El presente artículo busca ofrecer una explicación para este fenómeno de polarización aguda que vive el país y parte de dos tesis fundamentales. Primero, la Revolución Bolivariana muestra dos caras diferentes: una cara extremadamente autoritaria y una cara social ligada al intento de proveer bienes y servicios básicos a la población de menores recursos. Segundo, la coexistencia de ambas facetas explica, en buena parte, el alto grado de polarización política existente en Venezuela. El artículo concluye argumentado que la percepción que tienen los venezolanos sobre la Revolución Bolivariana esta estrechamente ligada a su visión contrastante sobre el significado y la practica de la democracia.