Suchergebnisse

Hans Waldenfels. (Hrsg.) ; Inhaltsverzeichnis ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- PVA 2004.1483

This research is a literature study that discusses and analyzes the relationship between religion and politics from the historical aspect, the development of religion in the political realm as well as the discourse between the two things. Philological analysis is used to determine the extent of the relationship between political theory and religious belief, in this case Islam. The results of the analysis illustrate that religion as the basis for political morals is no longer used as it should, but only becomes a tool to win power. In that context, the people of the State have presented themselves as an organized mass, and they are not aware that a structural crime (made in such a way) has happened to them, they are given little pleasure while others who win the power take more benefits from the State. they. Political violence has actually occurred wrapped in a certain ideology or religion, and its legitimacy has been very well tested, especially if the legitimacy is obtained through instruments under the political democratic system through general elections. General elections become a very significant relationship with the legitimacy of political power.

The relationship between the religion represented by Islam and the State that is represented by the democratic political system continues remain to be a problem. Ideological debates that Islamic law should be implemented and escorted through Islamic countries experiencing resistance against groups who argued that Islam is a substance that is in compliance with democracy. Religious ideology has often been a motivation to justify the struggle through the violence that has been done. Strengthening of violence in the name of religion is regarded as a form of struggle for bottomic beliefs and religious form in kaffah. Nationalism of Islamic religion Leaders by receiving Pancasila as the Indonesian ideology its been a moderate wisdom that has taken to maintain the unity of Indonesia, while keeping the existence of religions living. The relationship of religion and the State by Islamic religion Leaders of Nahdhatul Ulama (NU) considered as a mutual-connection with maintaining Indonesian nationalism without discriminating treatment of religions, tribes, and inter-group relations is face Islam Nusantara in Indonesia. Politics as the source of radicalism muted by NU leaders with a fatwa that receiving of Pancasila both as the nations foundation and as a spirit of Islam Nusantara. This research uses psychology politics theory and the theory of social identity's approach that analyzing potential radicalism in society.

This article explores several key events in the last 12 years that led to periods of heightened suspicion about Islam and Muslims in the United States. It provides a brief overview of the rise of anti-Muslim and anti-Islam sentiment known as "Islamophobia", and it investigates claims that American Muslims cannot be trusted to be loyal to the United States because of their religion. This research examines American Muslim perspectives on national security discourse regarding terrorism and radicalization, both domestic and foreign, after 9/11. The article argues that it is important to highlight developments, both progressive and conservative, in Muslim communities in the United States over the last 12 years that belie suspicions of widespread anti-American sentiment among Muslims or questions about the loyalty of American Muslims. The article concludes with a discussion of important shifts from a Muslim identity politics that disassociated from American identity and 'American exceptionalism' to a position of integration and cultural assimilation.

Cet article se propose d'expliquer le sous-développement de l'aire musulmane et le développement de l'aire chrétienne par le facteur religieux. Il soutient, dans une première section, que le christianisme a été un facteur de développement parce qu'il a permis de reconnaître les libertés et les droits individuels (1). Il montre, ensuite, que l'islam comme religion y a été moins favorable parce que l'interprétation de la parole du prophète qui a été retenue et son origine politique l'ont conduite à ne pas identifier dans le respect des droits individuels les bonnes institutions (2). Il défend ainsi l'idée que ce n'est pas l'éthique du travail qui caractérise l'occident mais l'éthique de la liberté.

Cet article se propose d'expliquer le sous-développement de l'aire musulmane et le développement de l'aire chrétienne par le facteur religieux. Il soutient, dans une première section, que le christianisme a été un facteur de développement parce qu'il a permis de reconnaître les libertés et les droits individuels (1). Il montre, ensuite, que l'islam comme religion y a été moins favorable parce que l'interprétation de la parole du prophète qui a été retenue et son origine politique l'ont conduite à ne pas identifier dans le respect des droits individuels les bonnes institutions (2). Il défend ainsi l'idée que ce n'est pas l'éthique du travail qui caractérise l'occident mais l'éthique de la liberté.

Dinamika relasi agama dan negara di dunia Islam secara masif menjadi perdebatan abadi, yakni menjadikan negara teokrasi berhadapan dengan negara sekuler. Pusaran ini menggiring bangsa Indonesia terlibat di dalam perdebatan. Meski demikian, pembentukan dasar konstitusi Indonesia pada akhirnya tidak mengadopsi pemisahan agama dan negara, atau sebaliknya. Adapun bentukan dasar konstitusi yang disepakati adalah mengantarkan pada gagasan substansial civil religion. Sebuah gagasan yang menempatkan makna general di dalam keberagamaan. Pemaknaan civil religion menemukan momentum pada saat kemerdekaan Indonesia yang menempatkan Pancasila sebagai dasar konstitusi setelah merevisi Piagam Jakarta. Sebagai konstitusi negara berdasarkan konsensus dan kompromi, dalam realitasnya terdapat ketegangan-ketegangan khususnya konflik antara agama yang inheren. Pemberontakan dan intrik-intrik politik berusaha untuk mengamandemem menjadi tak terelakkan. Pancasila sebagai padanan civil religion adalah sebagai norma bersama yang esensial dan transendental, mengandung semangat profetik setiap agama dan kepercayaan, untuk mempertahankan kesatuan nasional yang religius. Dengan Pancasila sebagai dasar negara menjadikan Indonesia tidak murni menjadi negara sekuler tidak juga menjadi negara Islam

Cuando la religión se convierte en parte integrante de los debates políticos modernos, las ideas religiosas influyen en las decisiones y definiciones de conceptos como la educación, la participación en el mercado laboral, la estructura y función de la familia como unidad social y la igualdad. La integración y la inmigración pasan a primer plano a medida que el concepto de ciudadanía adquiere dimensiones culturalistas y moralizantes. Finalmente, religión, política y educación se interfieren en las áreas de la vida que pertenecen a la esfera privada y pública. Desde nuestra perspectiva pedagógica, entendemos que las líneas educativas marcadas por la religión influyen notablemente en el devenir de muchos ciudadanos y se incrustan en el foro político-social. Así nos encontramos que la religión como poderoso instrumento de socialización ejerce una gran influencia intencionada en la educación y valores de los ciudadanos y se configura como el currículo social, normalmente oculto, del contexto próximo de muchos ciudadanos. La presencia del Islam y los musulmanes en Europa, aunque no es un fenómeno nuevo, es cuestionada por los Estados-nación confrontando el currículo oficial, la educación reglada, con el currículo social, muy influido por el Islam entre sus fieles. De esta manera se convierte en parte integrante de la lucha por la identidad nacional individual y colectiva, ya sea en lo referente al laicismo, la democracia o ciudadanía. Y en este sentido, queremos aportar una revisión actualizada de esta cuestión tan presente en Europa. ; When religion is converted in an integral part of modern political debates, religious ideas influence the decisions and definitions of concepts such as education, the participation in the labor market, the structure and function of the family as a social unit, and the equality. Integration and immigration come to the forefront as the concept of citizenship acquires culturalist and moralizing dimensions. Finally, religion, politics and education begin to interfere in the areas of life that belong to the private and public spheres. From our pedagogical perspective we understand that the educational lines marked by religion influence remarkably the future of many citizens, and attach themselves to the social-political realm. We thus become aware of the fact that religion as a powerful instrument of socialization exerts a strong influence upon citizens' education and values, and presents itself as the - normally hidden - social curriculum of the context closer to many citizens. The presence of Islam and of Muslims in Europe, though not a new phenomenon, is questioned by the nation-states, confronting the official curriculum and the regulated education, with the social curriculum, strongly influenced by Islam among its followers. It therefore converts itself in an integral part of the struggle for individual and collective national identity, be it with respect to laity, to democracy or to citizenship. And, in this sense, we would like to present an up-to-date review of this question so present in Europe today.

La compatibilidad entre islam y democracia ha sido objeto de análisis desde el 11-S en círculos académicos, así como parte de la política exterior estadounidense en Oriente Medio. A falta de consenso sobre las causas de tal incompatibilidad, este artículo conduce, desde el análisis histórico, a explorar los límites de la "europeización" del partido en el poder en Turquía, el Partido de la Justicia y el Desarrollo (AKP). ¿Estamos ante una "democracia cristiana" alla turca que ha sabido armonizar los valores islámicos y europeos o, más bien, ante un AKP cuyo principal propósito sigue siendo la islamización de la sociedad turca? ; Since September 11th the compatibility between Islam and democracy has been both a topic for academic discussion and part of the United States foreign policy towards Middle East. Although there is no consensus on the sources of this incompatibility, the aim of this article is to study, from a historic perspective, the limits of the "europeization" of the ruling party in Turkey, the Party of Justice and Development (AKP). Are we witnessing a "Christian democracy" alla turca that has found a way to harmonize European and Islamic values, or is it AKP's principal purpose to islamize Turkish society?

Since September 11th the compatibility between Islam and democracy has been both a topic for academic discussion and part of the United States foreign policy towards Middle East. Although there is no consensus on the sources of this incompatibility, the aim of this article is to study, from a historic perspective, the limits of the "europeization" of the ruling party in Turkey, the Party of Justice and Development (AKP). Are we witnessing a "Christian democracy" alla turca that has found a way to harmonize European and Islamic values, or is it AKP's principal purpose to islamize Turkish society? ; La compatibilidad entre islam y democracia ha sido objeto de análisis desde el 11-S en círculos académicos, así como parte de la política exterior estadounidense en Oriente Medio. A falta de consenso sobre las causas de tal incompatibilidad, este artículo conduce, desde el análisis histórico, a explorar los límites de la "europeización" del partido en el poder en Turquía, el Partido de la Justicia y el Desarrollo (AKP). ¿Estamos ante una "democracia cristiana" alla turca que ha sabido armonizar los valores islámicos y europeos o, más bien, ante un AKP cuyo principal propósito sigue siendo la islamización de la sociedad turca?

Based on some early anthropological accounts, people understand adat as any traditional practice: including visiting graves and forest, belief in supernatural powers, and other rituals and ceremonies. Practically speaking, people have not differentiated between the term adat and the encompassing traditions, customs, laws, and others. However, the discourse of religion has influenced the comprehensiveness of the idea of adat. This paper describes the construction of adat through the colonial period, a time dominantly influenced by the discourse of religion. I argue that the colonial construction of adat has strongly impacted religion in Indonesia. Adat which became a contested term and used by the rulers has declined the religious dimension of adat. The construction of adat and the disposition of adat from religion was influenced by various factors including colonial policies. This paper identified three dominant discourse of adat as political construction in colonial Indonesia: firstly, adat as animism was considered as the practices which are not religious, uncivilized and primitive; secondly, the mainstream of adat law has concerned on the secular aspect of adat while neglected the religious dimension of adat; thirdly, the construction of adat as not religion subsequently strengthened the Islamic identity and stressed the adat as opposed to Islam.

Desde la etnohistoria, estudiaremos el caso de las imágenes de la Virgen María que en España ostentan los máximos rangos militar y municipal, expresión de una clara identificación simbólica entre religión y jerárquicas instituciones estatales. ; From the ethnohistorical perspective, we will study the case of sculptures of the Virgin Mary that in Spain show the maximum military and municipal ranges, expressing a clear symbolic identification between religion and army and local power. ; - Grupo de investigación Antropología y Filosofía (SEJ-126). Universidad de Granada. - Área de Antropología Social. Universidad de Jaén. - Laborarorio de Antropología Social y Cultural (HUM-472). Universidad de Almería. - Departamento de Filosofía II. Universidad de Granada.

When religion is converted in an integral part of modern political debates, religious ideas influence the decisions and definitions of concepts such as education, the participation in the labor market, the structure and function of the family as a social unit, and the equality. Integration and immigration come to the forefront as the concept of citizenship acquires culturalist and moralizing dimensions. Finally, religion, politics and education begin to interfere in the areas of life that belong to the private and public spheres. From our pedagogical perspective we understand that the educational lines marked by religion influence remarkably the future of many citizens, and attach themselves to the socialpolitical realm. We thus become aware of the fact that religion as a powerful instrument of socialization exerts a strong influence upon citizens' education and values, and presents itself as the – normally hidden – social curriculum of the context closer to many citizens. The presence of Islam and of Muslims in Europe, though not a new phenomenon, is questioned by the nation-states, confronting the official curriculum and the regulated education, with the social curriculum, strongly influenced by Islam among its followers. It therefore converts itself in an integral part of the struggle for individual and collective national identity, be it with respect to laity, to democracy or to citizenship. And, in this sense, we would like to present an up-to-date review of this question so present in Europe today.

How can Islam play multiple and contradictory roles as a source of violence and peace, and a marker of identity differences and national unity? This study argues that religion, as a system of beliefs, manifests itself through discourses, which not only render intelligibility to religious practices and beliefs but also serve as the instruments of social control and regulation. An infinite variety of organizational and ideological differences within Islam presents the possibility for instrumentalisation of religion by stakeholders interested in accomplishing distinctive political aims connected to political legitimation. The study offers an empirical analysis of instrumentalisation of Islam by governments of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan and uses this evidence for developing a framework linking various discursive representations of religion to their political uses.

Religion in contemporary sociological studies does not only talk about official discourse, but also everyday lived. This paper describes "everyday lived" or "live religion". Through qualitative approaches and descriptive methods can be explained, religion and spirituality based on everyday lived can be analyzed through ordinary people in their daily religious practices. Everyday religion displays a different dynamic, which is freer from political construction. Everyday religion views agency as important, without neglecting structure. Structure refers to the ability of institutions to produce (and enforce) a pattern of meaning and action; agency refers to the individual or collective ability to improvise and bring alternatives to life. The study of "lived religion" can be an inspiration for the development of Islamic studies in various Islamic universities, especially the studies of the Qur'an and Hadith.Agama dalam kajian sosiologi kontemporer tidak semata-mata membicarakan official discourse, melainkan everyday lived. Tulisan ini mendeskripsikan "everyday lived" atau "live religion". Melalui pendekatan kualitatif dan metode deskriptif dapat dijelaskan, agama dan sipiritualitas berdasarkan everyday lived dapat dianalisis melalui orang-orang biasa dalam praktik keagamaan sehari-hari. Everyday religion menampilkan dinamika yang berbeda, yang lebih bebas dari konstruksi politik. Everyday religion memandang penting agensi, tanpa mengabaikan struktur. Struktur mengacu pada kemampuan lembaga untuk memproduksi (dan memaksakan) suatu pola pemaknaan dan tindakan; agensi mengacu pada kemampuan individu atau kolektif untuk melakukan improvisasi dan menghidupkan alternatif-alternatif. Studi "lived religion" dapat menjadi inspirasi bagi pengembangan studi Islam di berbagai perguru-an tinggi Islam, terutama kajian-kajian Al-Qur'an dan Hadis.