This article aims to reveal the dynamic factors of glocal radicalism, the tendency of superiority in the global structure, and the strategies to address the problem of glocal radicalism. Tracing the local and global context in analyzing the phenomenon of radicalism in Islam is important because both are the main variables so that this phenomenon can be comprehensively understood. This writing is qualitative research focuses on analyzing written sources about the facts of radicalism in global and local structures using analysis-interpretive methods and digital data analysis techniques. In this way, it is found that the dynamic factors of local radicalism are indirectly part of the structure of global radicalism, born of or as an implication of the systematic propaganda of that structure, namely structural violence in the dynamics and dialectics of global forces that influence social, political, and economical processes of Islamic countries. There is a tendency for superior that is reflected in the Islamophobia phenomenon and global political reflection. In this case, the moral-based multiculturalism educational approach and the virtual approach have a strategic role to address this problem Artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengungkapkan faktor dinamis radikalisme glokal, kecenderungan superioritas dalam struktur global, serta strategi untuk menyikapi problem radikalisme glokal. Penelusuran konteks lokal dan global dalam menganalisis fakta radikalisme dalam Islam menjadi penting sebab keduanya merupakan variabel utama sehingga fakta tersebut dapat dipahami secara komprehensif. Tulisan merupakan penelitian kualitatif yang memokuskan pada telaah sumber tertulis tentang fakta radikalisme dalam struktur global dan lokal dengan metode analisis-interpretatif dan teknik analisis data digital. Dengan cara demikian, ditemukan bahwa faktor dinamis radikalisme lokal secara tidak langsung menjadi bagian dari struktur radikalisme global, lahir dari atau sebagai implikasi dari propaganda sistematis dari struktur tersebut, yaitu kekerasan struktural dalam dinamika dan dialektika kekuatan-kekuatan global yang memengaruhi proses sosial, politik, dan ekonomi negara-negara Islam. Terdapat kecenderungan superiorisme yang tercermin dalam fenomena islamofobia dan refleksi politik global. Dalam hal ini, pendekatan pendidikan multikulturalisme berbasis moral serta pendekatan virtual memiliki peran strategis untuk menyikapi problem ini.
Brennan and Hamlin provide a normative justification for dispositional conservatism based on the concave value functions which give rise to quasi-risk aversion. This note modifies this argument for "analytic conservatism" by allowing jurisdictional exit i
This work examines an academic exposure on the issues of religious radicalism increasing globally not only in the West but also in the east countries. As a majority Muslim populated country, Indonesia is one of the reluctant examples in facing the problem of religious radicalism. In addition, this research paper examines the term of "radicalism" politically associated with extremism and terrorism. The primary issue is explicitly addressed to religious radicalism in terms of meaning and image. Hence, we perceive that religious radicalism can be understood as mainstream feature on religious behavior including religious actions leading to the steps of violent extremism or terrorism. Religious radicalism today is massively defined as a negative rather than positive connotation. Such glimpse traps us to be "narrow minded" in perceiving the role as well as the holy spirit of religions. Therefore, the critical questions of this research paper include what happens with the framing of religious radicalism today; How is the historical narration of radicalism; and is it a problem when someone being radical to practice and understand religions or beliefs. Lastly, how philosophical meanings of the word radicalism alone response such debate. However, the general terminology of religious radicalism has led significant social, political, and cultural impacts toward religious harmony and religious life particularly in Indonesian context.
This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).
As an issue of complexity, radicalism does not stand alone. It has a political and ideological basis. Like an ideology that continues to bind, radicalism takes the path of religion to be able to justify all actions of anarchy. The case of today's Islam as being synonymous with radicalism is apart of the complexcity of the issue. Religious radicalism is a prevalent phenomenon in the history religions. Radicalism is closely related to fundamentalism, which is marked by the return of society to the fundamentals of religion. Fundamentalism is a kind of ideology that makes religion the principle of life by society and individuals. Fundamentalism usually comes along with radicalism and violence when the freedom to return to religion is hindered by social and political circumstances surrounding the society. Islam recognizes jihad that is in some cases misunderstood. Jihad is different from radicalism and its derivatives of terrorism. Radicalism and terrorism tend to be destructive, uncompromising and closely related to violent behavior in the name of religion. Meanwhile jihad is a form of the totality of a Muslim's devotion to God, which is concerned not only with self-defense efforts, but a battle that has a theological legitimacy in which the martyrs are promised by God with various virtues and advantages. The association of jihad with terrorism today cannot be justified due to the fact that jihad in the sense of war (Qitâl) involves elements of violence that can be categorized as terrorism. It is the case that the use of violence in the name of religion in contemporary times is, in fact, due to political factors, which then seeks its legitimacy in religious teachings.
This article examines radicalism as a socio-religious phenomenon in constructing ideological and political struggles. This study aims to determine the perceptions of Indonesian-Malaysian students regarding radicalism based on religious understanding obtained at the university. This research uses qualitative methods through online interview data collection, focus group discussions (FGD), and a descriptive-interpretative analysis literature study. This study found several findings, namely: students' perceptions of the level of radicalism were divided into three levels: 1) high (extremism, socio-political movement for political purposes); 2) medium (intolerance); 3) low (exclusive, does not accept differences of opinion). However, it should be noted that the perception of Indonesian students is more diverse regarding the level of radicalism, in contrast to the perception of Malaysian students who view the level of radicalism as narrower. This is due to the political influence of each country. Furthermore, the power of religious understanding at universities regarding the level of radicalism on Indonesian and Malaysian students is different due to the reception of information in class, discussions in communities/organizations, and information from social media. This article contributes to increasing the discussion on youth's response to religious-based radicalism so that various parties, including the government and academics, can carry out a more comprehensive anti-radicalism campaign.
The years after the fall of the USSR were times of great optimism for proponents of constitutional democracy, of a Third Way between market and welfare state, and of a politics of moderation. However, this last decade has seen the emergence of antagonistic forms of politics: left and right populisms, uncompromising forms of free market liberalism, minority rights activism, and a recent nativist explosion that has caught everyone by surprise. We try to understand the ideas behind these phenomena by articulating a conception of political radicalism and of its opposite, political moderation. Radicalism in the past has often been understood as the negative contrary of moderation (especially because of the previous dominance of Marxism as the main paradigm of radical politics). It has been understood as a body of ideas that are opposed to democracy, to the rule of law, to pluralism, or that are in favor of revolution and violence. The new radical trends of today, however, do not seem so straightforwardly anti-democratic or revolutionary as Marxism once was. Instead of defining radicalism "negatively" as a collection of ideas, policies, or attitudes that deviate from a given state of "normality" (such as anti-pluralism, anti-democracy, anti-constitutional aims, or anti-traditionalism), we instead compare it to a literary genre that a group or individual can use in order to create dichotomies and a sense of "us versus them." By describing and analyzing the thoughts of Georg Lukács, Ludwig von Mises, and Ernesto Laclau, we give examples of some "literary genres" (Marxist, free market libertarian, and postmodern), of the tropes they use to establish these dichotomies, and the way they can reinforce their arguments by using these dichotomies. In turn, we try to understand political moderation as an "anti-genre" that breaks with these attempts to create dichotomies. ; Os anos que se seguiram à queda da URSS foram tempos de grande otimismo para os defensores da democracia constitucional, de uma Terceira Via entre o mercado e o Estado social e de políticas de compromisso. Nesta última década surgiram, porém, vários movimentos políticos antagónicos que vieram abalar este status-quo: populismos de esquerda e de direita, ideologias a favor da completa liberalização do mercado, movimentos ativistas a favor dos direitos das minorias e até uma explosão "nacionalista" que apanhou o Ocidente de surpresa. O presente projeto de investigação visa estudar algumas das ideias por detrás destes fenómenos. Neste estudo, esboçamos dois conceitos para tentar perceber melhor esta nova situação: uma conceção de radicalismo político e uma conceção de moderação política. O radicalismo político foi frequentemente entendido como o contrário da moderação, pois o radicalismo era frequentemente definido à luz do paradigma dominante naquela altura, o marxismo. O radicalismo era entendido como um conjunto de ideias que se opõem à democracia, ao Estado de Direito, ao pluralismo—ou que são a favor da revolução e da violência. As novas tendências radicais de hoje, no entanto, não parecem tão antidemocráticas ou revolucionárias como o marxismo. Uma conceção diferente de radicalismo pode ajudar a entender as ideias por detrás desses movimentos. E essas ideias podem ser melhor compreendidas se conseguirmos caracterizar o radicalismo por si mesmo, de forma substantiva, em alternativa a um agregado de políticas, ideias e atitudes, como o anti-pluralismo, anti-democracia, anti-tradicionalismo, ou em vez de recorrer a outros critérios que definem o radicalismo como um desvio em relação a um certo estado de "normalidade". Podemos compreender melhor estes novos movimentos radicais contemporâneos se olharmos para a maneira como criam dicotomias e desenvolvem um sentimento de "nós" contra "eles". Defendemos neste trabalho que as abordagens do radicalismo que o tendem a definir negativamente, identificando o que este rejeita, podem ser complementadas com uma abordagem mais "positiva" que analisa o que o radicalismo oferece. Sugerimos ainda na sequência desta 10 investigação que poderíamos entender a moderação política como um conjunto de meios que tentam romper com as tentativas extremistas ou radicais de criar dicotomias. No decurso deste estudo, começamos por descrever as variadas formas como o radicalismo e o extremismo têm sido teorizados recentemente. De seguida, vemos como, subjacente à conceção de radicalismo que estamos a tentar evitar (como um desvio em relação a determinada forma de normalidade), parece haver uma abordagem bottom-up que tenta identificar as componentes constituintes do "radicalismo" (ideias, políticas ou atitudes). Nessa abordagem de baixo para cima, o grau de radicalidade do objeto de estudo é avaliado pelos elementos radicais (ideias, políticas ou atitudes) que comporta e pela sua intensidade. Em vez de considerar o radicalismo em termos de elementos constituintes, ou em alternativa, em função da dimensão da mudança social que os radicais propõem, argumenta-se nesta dissertação que se deve adotar uma abordagem top-down (de cima para baixo), quando analisamos o grau de dependência de um argumento em relação a uma narrativa radical que opera em segundo plano. Designa-se esta abordagem, de modo metafórico, como "literária": como um género literário. Os radicalismos (como o marxismo, mas outros também) podem ser vistos como histórias "familiares" cujas referências "literárias" ("a burguesia", "o trabalhador", "a revolução") podem ser usadas como indicações que apontam para a história do movimento marxista, tal podendo reforçar os argumentos de quem a utiliza. Dentro deste paradigma, quando um "autor" usa o "género" do radicalismo, os "leitores" situam-se e condicionam as suas expectativas em função de uma história cujo enredo contém dois lados, uma situação presente insatisfatória, e uma solução para resolvê-la que leva a um "final" do enredo em que a solução insatisfatória é resolvida. No exemplo clássico do marxismo, temos uma história tão conhecida que esta pode muitas vezes mergulhar intuitivamente o "leitor" na história que lhe é familiar do proletariado, a sua luta contra a burguesia e a crescente opressão de classe que eventualmente leva a uma revolução e traz a instauração do socialismo. Um autor pode usar palavras-chave – a que chamamos referências – da história do marxismo – a que chamamos metanarrativa – para referenciar a história do marxismo e reforçar os seus argumentos. Rotulando um determinado autor, grupo ou argumento como "burguês" ou "reacionário" ou, inversamente, 11 rotulando-o como "proletário" ou "revolucionário", um autor coloca o elemento atribuído num dos dois lados da história do marxismo. Graças a essa atribuição e ao uso desse termo de referência, o leitor é capaz de definir as suas expectativas em conformidade e continuar a ler desse modo, ao mesmo tempo que (1) lê esse argumento condicionado pela metanarrativa do marxismo em segundo plano e (2) que o autor, grupo (ou argumento que o autor acabou de atribuir) está do lado "errado" ou "certo" da história. A fim de aprofundar a noção de radicalismo que esboçamos na primeira parte, exploramos subsequentemente um dos primeiros pensadores que analisaram exaustivamente o marxismo como uma metanarrativa, Eduard Bernstein. Descrevemos as críticas de Bernstein à ortodoxia do SPD e, especialmente, as suas críticas à metanarrativa do marxismo e às suas "referências". No mesmo capítulo, analisamos o argumento oposto de Georg Lukács em História e Consciência de Classe e examinamos a maneira como ele se esforçou por reconectar as diferentes partes da metanarrativa do marxismo que Bernstein separou (referências como "ciência", "totalidade", "classe", "proletariado" e "revolução"). Com essa reconstrução, Lukács tentou abafar o ceticismo de Bernstein e gerar novamente uma história com dois lados. Graças a essa metanarrativa binária e estruturante que guia o "texto" político e as expectativas do leitor, Lukács é capaz de fazer saltos inferenciais rápidos de uma referência para a seguinte. Analisamos especificamente seções da História e Consciência de Classe, onde esses saltos são evidentes. Graças a tal metanarrativa de fundo, Lukács consegue utilizar duas estratégias centrais do género radical: usa essa metanarrativa para excluir elementos que são relegados para o lado "burguês" da história do marxismo (por exemplo, afirmando que Bernstein era "burguês" porque adotou uma pseudociência burguesa) ou consegue fazer alinhamentos com o lado "socialista" da história (por exemplo, dizendo que Rosa Luxemburgo era "marxista" porque adotou a verdadeira ciência marxista). Para entender completamente a noção de radicalismo político no sentido de género "literário" e como pode ser usada por outros, analisamos com detalhe e profundidade dois autores que constroem extensivamente o seu pensamento político dentro do que caracterizámos como "género radical". Primeiro, analisa-se como Ludwig von Mises constrói uma metanarrativa radical na qual opõe o liberalismo, a ciência e a 12 racionalidade ao socialismo, à pseudociência e à irracionalidade. Como no caso de Lukács, analisa-se cuidadosamente como os termos de cada "lado da história" estão ligados a tal ponto que Mises é capaz de ligar perfeitamente um termo ao outro sem interromper a "leitura" da sua teoria ou narrativa. Também analisamos um segundo aspeto que permite essa leitura subtil, que é a maneira como Mises é capaz de opor estritamente cada grupo de termos. É graças ao facto de Mises estar a escrever tendo em mente uma narrativa com dois lados que o seu "leitor" é capaz de fazer a transição de uma referência para outra. Graças a essa dicotomia como plano de fundo dos seus textos, Mises usa referências em rápida sucessão e enquadra o seu argumento numa estrutura rígida, dicotómica, enquanto continuamos a lê-lo ininterruptamente. Também tentamos perceber qual a metanarrativa subjacente de Mises e as referências que esta produz e que podem ser usadas por outros autores que partilham a metanarrativa liberal. Depois de explorar as metanarrativas de Lukács e Mises abordamos a metanarrativa anti-essencialista de Ernesto Laclau. Procedemos de maneira semelhante ao que fizemos com Mises e descrevemos como Laclau constrói uma "narrativa de narrativas" formalizando cada passo da história do marxismo. Em seguida, examinamos mais de perto como a metanarrativa de Laclau funciona na prática e analisamos como seu anti-essencialismo é uma fonte de muitas operações de exclusão através do uso da referência "essencialismo". Abordamos especificamente a maneira pela qual a metanarrativa de Laclau permite que utilize um tom iconoclástico nos seus escritos. Ao descrever a ingenuidade das crenças essencialistas dos seus opositores, Laclau é capaz de criar uma linha dicotómica de "tudo-ou-nada", enquanto passa de uma referência para a seguinte. Na mesma linha, também usamos essa abordagem "literária" para ver como se pode entender a moderação política. Tenta-se muito brevemente observar a moderação política como um género "anti-género" (anti-utopia, anti-dualismo, etc.): a expectativa que transmite é a da crítica a um corpus "literário" estabelecido, do qual no fim de contas está dependente para transmitir o seu distinto sentimento de expectativa. Muitos elementos da literatura e da retórica moderadas parecem apresentar esse mesmo padrão duplo, tal como "ironia" enquanto género ou tendências literárias "realistas". Para ganhar força, os recursos literários da 13 moderação dependem de um corpus preexistente em relação ao qual (ou contra o qual) obtêm a sua própria eficácia. Caracterizamos a moderação política, pois, como consistindo essencialmente na crítica e prevenção de uma metanarrativa extrema, a fim de romper os alinhamentos e as suas referências. A moderação, portanto, induz ou produz efeitos forçosamente recorrendo a expectativas de outras metanarrativas estabelecidas e, em seguida, oferecendo expectativas em que as referências dessas metanarrativas são separadas. Para exemplificar o "género político" da moderação, descrevemos sucintamente esta característica específica que atravessa o pensamento de alguns liberais da Guerra Fria, e especialmente de Raymond Aron.
This letter looks for extremism in Indonesia and its defense. Extremism has emerged today in Indonesia. The issue is not over; the other issue has yet to arise. There are rotten crowds more than fifty; two hundred and fifty of them originate in the atmosphere. Other than, to corrupt the doctrine, these deviant doctrines were the shattering of the community system, the family connection, and the union of the nation and the thinking of society. There is even a threat to the continued union of the country of the Republic of Indonesia (NKR), including: the Islamic leadership in terms of its call is not public and after noon and finally they fight all sects other than from their Shiites then the stage of success to the stage of teaching psychological government. The scholars in general and the Council of Indonesian Scholars in particular have exerted a great deal of opportunity, opportunity and idea, but rather strive with funds and souls to establish and prevail over the matter. Authenticity with the harm caused to these misguided doctrines. The republic in general and the president in particular had agreed with the fatwas presented by the Indonesian Council of Scholars and indicated that the religious fatwas had brought it out and appointed that the Indonesian Ulema Council could expel it. Therefore, scientists must bid farewell to this issue. If in the past time the scholars are concerned about matters of fatwas and extracting them, then they must in the next hour to preserve the ummah's belief and the origin of religion.
This research is a response to radical thinking in the name of religion. Some radical groups use the arguments of the religious text as reinforcements for acts of terrorism that have spread in several areas. This paper aims to dismantle the methodology of interpreting the verses of the al-Qur'an which are often used as justification for violence in the name of religion. This research is a qualitative research and this type of research is literature research by discussing books, both from primary and secondary books related to the theme being studied. The steps in this research are to explain the meaning and history of radicalization and deradicalization, collect verses of the Qur'an that are often interpreted radically, and explain the misinterpretations that have been widely politicized towards radical thinking. This article finds that there are two things that cause radicalism. first, there is a reduction in religious understanding due to ignorance and an incomplete understanding of religious texts. second, textual-normative understanding of religious texts. This article concludes that understanding religious texts (al-Qur'an and Hadith) requires a strong scientific basis. Radicalism arises because of the textual-normative method of understanding that often loses the substance of the text. As a result, his religious understanding becomes counter-productive to the spirit of Islam which is rahmatan lil alamin.
This riset proves that communicative da'wah (Islamic communication) is the most effective way in combating radicalism since it prioritizes the persuasive, rational, and dialogical approaches. The Western and Muslim scholars propose several methods in combating radicalism in religion. Karen Armstrong in his book "The Battle for God; Fundamentalism in Judaism, Christianity and Islam" states that radicalism in religion can be reduced by attending equal distribution of economy and broader access to politic. Bernard Lewis in "What Went Wrong? The Clash Between Islam and Modernity in the Middle East" states that radicalism in religion can be neutralized by promoting democratic attitude among religious followers. Yüsuf Qard{awî in "al-S{ahwat al-Islãmiyah bayn al-Juhüd wa al-Tat{arruf"concludes that facing individual or group who commit radicalism should be through dakwah. Azyumardi Azra in "Konflik Baru Peradaban: Globalisasi, Pluralitas, dan Radikalisme " states that all efforts in combating terrorism in whatever form should be away from violence, since all acts of violence often yield in suffering innocent people. Petrus Reinhard Golose in "Deradikalisasi Terorisme: Humanis, Soul Approach dan menyentuh Akar Rumput" offers a deradicalization program applied by the Indonesian Police force using Soul and Humanistic approach by involving various parties in eradicating terrorism till its root. This riset support the concept of Yüsuf Qardhawî by emphasizing idea that communicative dakwah is the most effective approach in combating radicalism in Islam.
The clash between radicalism and loyalism in the early industrial revolution period created the basic progressive-conservative political divide that was to structure British politics until the fall of communism. This is the perspective of Gareth Stedman Jones in his recent book An End to Poverty, which for a landmark work by a major historian has received surprisingly little notice.(1) Discussing it at a seminar in Manchester, Stedman Jones remarked that he couldn't really fathom pre-Chartist popular radicalism – a disarming confession from the author of Languages of Class. He was talking about the early 19th-century generation, between the Paineites and the Chartists, and he had put his finger on something: the popular politics of the early industrial revolution just don't fit progressive models. This is particularly true (oddly enough) in Lancashire, the home of the factory system.
Eritrea's long liberation war and today the Kivu war provide two illustrations of what may be an explanation of the extreme violence observed in many contemporary conflicts, including (but not limited to) Africa: on the one hand, the disconnection between local rationalities and the goals expressed by "national" leaders; on the other hand, a weak or destabilising state experience among those involved in armed movements who have often switched into war for perfectly 'rational' motivations and then, as the conflict proceeds, struggle to build a political goal that is easily deciphable. However, the societies or groups that are at the heart of the deadly conflicts rarely choose the anomaly and try, with various and often extremely fragile successes, to rebuild a social bond that war has dissolved. ; [The atomization of ends and the radicalism of means. On certain African conflicts] The long war of liberation in Eritrea and today's war in Kivu provide two illustrations of a possible explanation for the extreme violence that occurs in numerous contemporary conflicts, most notably (but not only) in Africa. This involves, on the one hand, the disparity between local rationalities and the stated aims of "national" leaders and, on the other, a weak or destabilizing experience of the state among those involved in armed movements. Thus combatants often engage in war for perfectly "rational" reasons; however, as the conflict drags on, they find it difficult to construct clear political objectives. Societies or groups living in the midst of the most murderous conflicts rarely remain inert; they attempt, with varying and extremely fragile success rates, to reconstitute social bonds that war has destroyed. ; Eritrea's long liberation war and today the Kivu war provide two illustrations of what may be an explanation of the extreme violence observed in many contemporary conflicts, including (but not limited to) Africa: on the one hand, the disconnection between local rationalities and the goals expressed by "national" leaders; ...
International audience "In 1995, the Presses universitaires de France re-published (for the very first time in French) Elie Halévy's classic book La formation du radicalisme philosophique (first edition 1901–4). Startlingly, in the afterword of volume 1, Jean-Pierre Dupuy explained that even if this book on Bentham and his school of thought has been considered a classic and one of the first serious historical studies in any language, Halévy had been a "bad interpreter" of utilitarianism. (.)"
This edition presents contemporary themes around Islam and Muslims in Indonesia from the issues of radicalism, online media, a Dutch scholar during colonial era, women's resistance to shariatization, local practice of Islamic sufism, minority group, to broader theme of the relation of religion and science. To begin with, James Adam Fenton sheds light on the way in which Indonesian society has responded to radical ideology. He argues that dialogue in open society with democratic spirit helps the society to disengage from radicalism.
Summary Islam has assumed a decisive role in Central Asia since the collapse of the Soviet system. However, the religious comeback has produced adverse effects, particularly the rise of religious radicalism. The Hanafi School, the main conventional school of Islamic interpretation in Central Asia, which greatly contributed to the Islamic underpinnings of Central Asian nomadic and settled Islamic civilization, employs a rational approach and cherishes local customs and traditions. However, the narrow, literal perceptions of Islam lack these features and render Islam a static, frozen system of teachings. Those literalist perceptions of Islam constitute the ontological and intellectual foundation of radicalism in the world, in general, and in contemporary Central Asia, in particular. Religious literalism flourishes in Muslim communities that lack vibrant intellectual life and dynamic religious education. Despite the decades-long systematic and forceful anti-religious campaign during Soviet rule, Central Asian Muslims consider themselves no less Muslims than others. However, the region has been seriously deprived of a formal Islamic education system and Islamic intellectual life. Consequently, at the time of independence the Central Asian Muslim community was characterized by a ubiquitously low level of Islamic education, 'broken tradition,' and concomitant 'shaken identity', all of which gave rise to distorted and radical understandings of Islam. The abrupt politicization of post-Soviet Muslims in the early 1990s led to the instrumentalization of Islam in politics, which produced disastrous results in Uzbekistan and Tajikistan. In recent years, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan embarked on comprehensive anti-terrorist activities and adopted complex measures at the official level in fighting radical (depicted as "non-traditional") interpretations of Islam, since the very liberal attitude of these countries towards all religious groups, which had been adopted earlier, and the lack of state support to the Muftiyat (the civil ...