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This article aims to reveal the dynamic factors of glocal radicalism, the tendency of superiority in the global structure, and the strategies to address the problem of glocal radicalism. Tracing the local and global context in analyzing the phenomenon of radicalism in Islam is important because both are the main variables so that this phenomenon can be comprehensively understood. This writing is qualitative research focuses on analyzing written sources about the facts of radicalism in global and local structures using analysis-interpretive methods and digital data analysis techniques. In this way, it is found that the dynamic factors of local radicalism are indirectly part of the structure of global radicalism, born of or as an implication of the systematic propaganda of that structure, namely structural violence in the dynamics and dialectics of global forces that influence social, political, and economical processes of Islamic countries. There is a tendency for superior that is reflected in the Islamophobia phenomenon and global political reflection. In this case, the moral-based multiculturalism educational approach and the virtual approach have a strategic role to address this problem Artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengungkapkan faktor dinamis radikalisme glokal, kecenderungan superioritas dalam struktur global, serta strategi untuk menyikapi problem radikalisme glokal. Penelusuran konteks lokal dan global dalam menganalisis fakta radikalisme dalam Islam menjadi penting sebab keduanya merupakan variabel utama sehingga fakta tersebut dapat dipahami secara komprehensif. Tulisan merupakan penelitian kualitatif yang memokuskan pada telaah sumber tertulis tentang fakta radikalisme dalam struktur global dan lokal dengan metode analisis-interpretatif dan teknik analisis data digital. Dengan cara demikian, ditemukan bahwa faktor dinamis radikalisme lokal secara tidak langsung menjadi bagian dari struktur radikalisme global, lahir dari atau sebagai implikasi dari propaganda sistematis dari struktur tersebut, yaitu kekerasan struktural dalam dinamika dan dialektika kekuatan-kekuatan global yang memengaruhi proses sosial, politik, dan ekonomi negara-negara Islam. Terdapat kecenderungan superiorisme yang tercermin dalam fenomena islamofobia dan refleksi politik global. Dalam hal ini, pendekatan pendidikan multikulturalisme berbasis moral serta pendekatan virtual memiliki peran strategis untuk menyikapi problem ini.

Brennan and Hamlin provide a normative justification for dispositional conservatism based on the concave value functions which give rise to quasi-risk aversion. This note modifies this argument for "analytic conservatism" by allowing jurisdictional exit i

As an issue of complexity, radicalism does not stand alone. It has a political and ideological basis. Like an ideology that continues to bind, radicalism takes the path of religion to be able to justify all actions of anarchy. The case of today's Islam as being synonymous with radicalism is apart of the complexcity of the issue. Religious radicalism is a prevalent phenomenon in the history religions. Radicalism is closely related to fundamentalism, which is marked by the return of society to the fundamentals of religion. Fundamentalism is a kind of ideology that makes religion the principle of life by society and individuals. Fundamentalism usually comes along with radicalism and violence when the freedom to return to religion is hindered by social and political circumstances surrounding the society. Islam recognizes jihad that is in some cases misunderstood. Jihad is different from radicalism and its derivatives of terrorism. Radicalism and terrorism tend to be destructive, uncompromising and closely related to violent behavior in the name of religion. Meanwhile jihad is a form of the totality of a Muslim's devotion to God, which is concerned not only with self-defense efforts, but a battle that has a theological legitimacy in which the martyrs are promised by God with various virtues and advantages. The association of jihad with terrorism today cannot be justified due to the fact that jihad in the sense of war (Qitâl) involves elements of violence that can be categorized as terrorism. It is the case that the use of violence in the name of religion in contemporary times is, in fact, due to political factors, which then seeks its legitimacy in religious teachings.

This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).

This riset proves that communicative da'wah (Islamic communication) is the most effective way in combating radicalism since it prioritizes the persuasive, rational, and dialogical approaches. The Western and Muslim scholars propose several methods in combating radicalism in religion. Karen Armstrong in his book "The Battle for God; Fundamentalism in Judaism, Christianity and Islam" states that radicalism in religion can be reduced by attending equal distribution of economy and broader access to politic. Bernard Lewis in "What Went Wrong? The Clash Between Islam and Modernity in the Middle East" states that radicalism in religion can be neutralized by promoting democratic attitude among religious followers. Yüsuf Qard{awî in "al-S{ahwat al-Islãmiyah bayn al-Juhüd wa al-Tat{arruf"concludes that facing individual or group who commit radicalism should be through dakwah. Azyumardi Azra in "Konflik Baru Peradaban: Globalisasi, Pluralitas, dan Radikalisme " states that all efforts in combating terrorism in whatever form should be away from violence, since all acts of violence often yield in suffering innocent people. Petrus Reinhard Golose in "Deradikalisasi Terorisme: Humanis, Soul Approach dan menyentuh Akar Rumput" offers a deradicalization program applied by the Indonesian Police force using Soul and Humanistic approach by involving various parties in eradicating terrorism till its root. This riset support the concept of Yüsuf Qardhawî by emphasizing idea that communicative dakwah is the most effective approach in combating radicalism in Islam.

Summary Islam has assumed a decisive role in Central Asia since the collapse of the Soviet system. However, the religious comeback has produced adverse effects, particularly the rise of religious radicalism. The Hanafi School, the main conventional school of Islamic interpretation in Central Asia, which greatly contributed to the Islamic underpinnings of Central Asian nomadic and settled Islamic civilization, employs a rational approach and cherishes local customs and traditions. However, the narrow, literal perceptions of Islam lack these features and render Islam a static, frozen system of teachings. Those literalist perceptions of Islam constitute the ontological and intellectual foundation of radicalism in the world, in general, and in contemporary Central Asia, in particular. Religious literalism flourishes in Muslim communities that lack vibrant intellectual life and dynamic religious education. Despite the decades-long systematic and forceful anti-religious campaign during Soviet rule, Central Asian Muslims consider themselves no less Muslims than others. However, the region has been seriously deprived of a formal Islamic education system and Islamic intellectual life. Consequently, at the time of independence the Central Asian Muslim community was characterized by a ubiquitously low level of Islamic education, 'broken tradition,' and concomitant 'shaken identity', all of which gave rise to distorted and radical understandings of Islam. The abrupt politicization of post-Soviet Muslims in the early 1990s led to the instrumentalization of Islam in politics, which produced disastrous results in Uzbekistan and Tajikistan. In recent years, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan embarked on comprehensive anti-terrorist activities and adopted complex measures at the official level in fighting radical (depicted as "non-traditional") interpretations of Islam, since the very liberal attitude of these countries towards all religious groups, which had been adopted earlier, and the lack of state support to the Muftiyat (the civil ...

This work examines an academic exposure on the issues of religious radicalism increasing globally not only in the West but also in the east countries. As a majority Muslim populated country, Indonesia is one of the reluctant examples in facing the problem of religious radicalism. In addition, this research paper examines the term of "radicalism" politically associated with extremism and terrorism. The primary issue is explicitly addressed to religious radicalism in terms of meaning and image. Hence, we perceive that religious radicalism can be understood as mainstream feature on religious behavior including religious actions leading to the steps of violent extremism or terrorism. Religious radicalism today is massively defined as a negative rather than positive connotation. Such glimpse traps us to be "narrow minded" in perceiving the role as well as the holy spirit of religions. Therefore, the critical questions of this research paper include what happens with the framing of religious radicalism today; How is the historical narration of radicalism; and is it a problem when someone being radical to practice and understand religions or beliefs. Lastly, how philosophical meanings of the word radicalism alone response such debate. However, the general terminology of religious radicalism has led significant social, political, and cultural impacts toward religious harmony and religious life particularly in Indonesian context.

This article was written aims to explore why been up to lately rife with Islamic radicalism in the perspective of behavioral psychology. The events of shootings, suicide bombings, the destruction of economic resources has been a lot happened at the local and global level. Such events always identified with radical and terrorist behavior. More details such behavior was stigmatized by Islamic radicalism or Islamic terrorists. This article examines the problem of Islamic radicalism in the psychological perspective. There are some reasons why an individual or religious group do radical behavior. First there is the cultural acculturation and enculturation. Second there is the interpretation of verses of scripture with a radical interpretation by the actors and considered legitimate. Thirdly there is the role of the media who preach with unbalanced and give labeling. Fifth behavior is not political social economic equity in a particular religion and the state. Sixth is no imposition liberal capitalist ideology incompatible with religious ideology. Seventh existing emotional instability of the perpetrators, radicals or terrorists.

The radicalism is the name of religion in Indonesia neer to be watched out of as Indonesia today is known as a diverse country and any conflicts may easily rise due to differences in ethnicity, raca and region, especially if combined with the religious theology. The reformation in 1998 changed many things in Indonesia, including the evolution of Islam. The freedom of speech and to assemble are being used by those Islamic fundamentalist groups by teaching their thought/doctrines.The educated people is suspected to be the targert of radicalism. And why they become the targets? It's because they have resources and accses to information. They are people who are open and seek for information because it has become a necescity . They ha are scholars who forged in higher educational institutions. Therefore the educated people are vehicle of change.The most important in this research is about how to describe the relationship between religion and state within the mind of educated people. Indonesia is a great coutry of various ethnic, cultural dan religious diversity, with Muslims as the majority population. Base in the theory put forward by Islamic politic sosiologist, the relationship theory of religion and state are gruped into 3 namely : unified paradigm, symbolic paradigm, and secularistic paradigm.The conclusion in this research is penetration of the thought of intolerance with anti-Pancasila and NKRI among educated people goes through religious studies that conducted in workplace, or in the campus trhrough da'wah institution, and also through religious activitivies in schools.

This article examines radicalism as a socio-religious phenomenon in constructing ideological and political struggles. This study aims to determine the perceptions of Indonesian-Malaysian students regarding radicalism based on religious understanding obtained at the university. This research uses qualitative methods through online interview data collection, focus group discussions (FGD), and a descriptive-interpretative analysis literature study. This study found several findings, namely: students' perceptions of the level of radicalism were divided into three levels: 1) high (extremism, socio-political movement for political purposes); 2) medium (intolerance); 3) low (exclusive, does not accept differences of opinion). However, it should be noted that the perception of Indonesian students is more diverse regarding the level of radicalism, in contrast to the perception of Malaysian students who view the level of radicalism as narrower. This is due to the political influence of each country. Furthermore, the power of religious understanding at universities regarding the level of radicalism on Indonesian and Malaysian students is different due to the reception of information in class, discussions in communities/organizations, and information from social media. This article contributes to increasing the discussion on youth's response to religious-based radicalism so that various parties, including the government and academics, can carry out a more comprehensive anti-radicalism campaign.

Maintes fois sa disparition a été annoncée. Pourtant, le monde agricole résiste et les mobilisations qu'il déclenche bouleversent régulièrement l'agenda poli-tique des gouvernants. Que l'enjeu soit la distribution des terres ou le mode de production, ces mouvements de protestation prennent parfois un tour radical : une représentation partisane, située à un extrême de l'échiquier politique ; le recours à des moyens d'action pouvant déboucher sur la violence. Certains s'inscrivent dans la ligne d'une extrême droite nationaliste, nostalgique d'un âge d'or mythique ; d'autres, héritiers de la révolution sociale, luttent pour un monde plus égalitaire. Parfois encore, on réactive les mythes de libération nationale. Quelle est l'origine de ces protestations paysannes ? Tantôt des politiques de développement fondées sur des principes technocratiques de production-ces politiques susciteraient alors des résistances à une modernisation peu respectueuse des traditions de sociabilité et des modes de vie ancestraux ; tantôt le retrait de l'État et l'abandon de la question agricole, notamment foncière, aux seules lois du marché. Pareil immobilisme-même assorti de promesses de réformes dans un but de justice sociale-nourrit des attentes.

Maintes fois sa disparition a été annoncée. Pourtant, le monde agricole résiste et les mobilisations qu'il déclenche bouleversent régulièrement l'agenda poli-tique des gouvernants. Que l'enjeu soit la distribution des terres ou le mode de production, ces mouvements de protestation prennent parfois un tour radical : une représentation partisane, située à un extrême de l'échiquier politique ; le recours à des moyens d'action pouvant déboucher sur la violence. Certains s'inscrivent dans la ligne d'une extrême droite nationaliste, nostalgique d'un âge d'or mythique ; d'autres, héritiers de la révolution sociale, luttent pour un monde plus égalitaire. Parfois encore, on réactive les mythes de libération nationale. Quelle est l'origine de ces protestations paysannes ? Tantôt des politiques de développement fondées sur des principes technocratiques de production-ces politiques susciteraient alors des résistances à une modernisation peu respectueuse des traditions de sociabilité et des modes de vie ancestraux ; tantôt le retrait de l'État et l'abandon de la question agricole, notamment foncière, aux seules lois du marché. Pareil immobilisme-même assorti de promesses de réformes dans un but de justice sociale-nourrit des attentes.

Maintes fois sa disparition a été annoncée. Pourtant, le monde agricole résiste et les mobilisations qu'il déclenche bouleversent régulièrement l'agenda poli-tique des gouvernants. Que l'enjeu soit la distribution des terres ou le mode de production, ces mouvements de protestation prennent parfois un tour radical : une représentation partisane, située à un extrême de l'échiquier politique ; le recours à des moyens d'action pouvant déboucher sur la violence. Certains s'inscrivent dans la ligne d'une extrême droite nationaliste, nostalgique d'un âge d'or mythique ; d'autres, héritiers de la révolution sociale, luttent pour un monde plus égalitaire. Parfois encore, on réactive les mythes de libération nationale. Quelle est l'origine de ces protestations paysannes ? Tantôt des politiques de développement fondées sur des principes technocratiques de production-ces politiques susciteraient alors des résistances à une modernisation peu respectueuse des traditions de sociabilité et des modes de vie ancestraux ; tantôt le retrait de l'État et l'abandon de la question agricole, notamment foncière, aux seules lois du marché. Pareil immobilisme-même assorti de promesses de réformes dans un but de justice sociale-nourrit des attentes.

This research is a response to radical thinking in the name of religion. Some radical groups use the arguments of the religious text as reinforcements for acts of terrorism that have spread in several areas. This paper aims to dismantle the methodology of interpreting the verses of the al-Qur'an which are often used as justification for violence in the name of religion. This research is a qualitative research and this type of research is literature research by discussing books, both from primary and secondary books related to the theme being studied. The steps in this research are to explain the meaning and history of radicalization and deradicalization, collect verses of the Qur'an that are often interpreted radically, and explain the misinterpretations that have been widely politicized towards radical thinking. This article finds that there are two things that cause radicalism. first, there is a reduction in religious understanding due to ignorance and an incomplete understanding of religious texts. second, textual-normative understanding of religious texts. This article concludes that understanding religious texts (al-Qur'an and Hadith) requires a strong scientific basis. Radicalism arises because of the textual-normative method of understanding that often loses the substance of the text. As a result, his religious understanding becomes counter-productive to the spirit of Islam which is rahmatan lil alamin.

The clash between radicalism and loyalism in the early industrial revolution period created the basic progressive-conservative political divide that was to structure British politics until the fall of communism. This is the perspective of Gareth Stedman Jones in his recent book An End to Poverty, which for a landmark work by a major historian has received surprisingly little notice.(1) Discussing it at a seminar in Manchester, Stedman Jones remarked that he couldn't really fathom pre-Chartist popular radicalism – a disarming confession from the author of Languages of Class. He was talking about the early 19th-century generation, between the Paineites and the Chartists, and he had put his finger on something: the popular politics of the early industrial revolution just don't fit progressive models. This is particularly true (oddly enough) in Lancashire, the home of the factory system.