The article analyzes the primary cognitive and behavioral indicators observable following the manifestation of the Islamic radicalization process, specifically the advanced stage of radicalization. The research scope is also related to identifying signals of Islamic radicalization by utilizing a methodology based on the analysis of cases of radicalization among Romanian citizens.As the research aims to analyze the main signals indicating the advanced stage of individual radicalization, these indicators are valuable for early warning, both from the perspective of practitioners and competent authorities in preventing and combating radicalization. They are also beneficial for civil society to increase awareness regarding the identification of radical discourse encountered in the online environment.
Cognitive radicalization remains an issue for communities battling terrorism. Recent empirical investigations into the psycho-social processes involved with radicalization have revealed social exclusion, cognitive inflexibility, and perceived threats to an ingroup as significant predictors for one's propensity to engage with radical content and commit to offline behaviors. This study investigates the utility of user engagement and the proxy effect on cognitive radicalization by examining users' engagement with a radical-right online ecosystem. The study supported the assumption that content featuring outgroup prejudice would affect the cognitive radicalization process. Several results demonstrate the importance of user engagement in the process of radicalization. In this analysis, they support an engagement-dependent framework where individual posts carry higher radicalization likelihoods based on the amount of user engagement they receive. These findings have an implication for future research into a user's behavioral trajectories, from viewing and engaging with content to joining a radical group or committing offline violence against their communities and perceived outgroups.
AbstractOne of the many dimensions of the global tussle surrounding the Covid‐19 pandemic has been the rise of right‐wing radicalization. In this article, we investigate whether the pandemic offered an opportunity for the Greek Cypriot far‐right party, ELAM, to increase its visibility as an opposition force and in what ways. We also explore the transformations in populist rhetoric and practices in the Republic of Cyprus, seeking to identify patterns of persistence and evolution, particularly in how they handle scientific matters in their political stances. Similarly, we delve into the impact of far‐right populist politics on the political dynamics in Cyprus. Our findings indicate that pandemic politics were not the exclusive or primary factor in the normalization of the far right but rather served as an accelerator of preexisting trends. The party's handling of the pandemic and scientific principles signifies the diversity within the far‐right phenomenon rather than pointing to a universal pattern.
Since the late-19th century, for political expediency, the Sri Lankan Muslims have used Islam as a marker of identity difference which has suffered due to the tensions of religious and ethnic identity markers. Unlike Tamils and Sinhalese ethnic groups, Sri Lanka Muslim elites did not choose language as their primary identity marker but sought to differentiate themselves based on the practices and traditions of Islamic faith. These tensions have manifested in several ways, however, following the 2019 Easter Sunday attacks, there has been a great strain placed on Muslim representation as questions have been asked as to whether the religious identity has laid the foundations for the radicalization of the Muslims, especially in the wake of global Islamophobia and concerns about security. Therefore, it is important to answer questions related to Islamic identity manifestation in Sri Lanka: What is the role of an Islamic religious identity in radicalizing Sri Lankan Muslims? Why did Sri Lanka become a convenient place for IS' activities? Did religious identity alone cause the radicalization of some Muslims? This article would attempt to answer these questions by (1) revisiting the Muslim community's identity formation before the independence, (2) explaining Islamic identity in the post-independence Sri Lanka and the political representation to win votes and mobilize support during the ethnic civil war between Tamils and Sinhalese, and (3) analyzing factors that contributed to the radicalization of Muslims, and Islam. Drawing mostly on secondary sources, the article attempts to situate Sri Lanka Muslims' identity formation in Sri Lanka's ethnic conflict and reconciliation. Using answers from interviews conducted through Zoom, WeChat, and WhatsApp, the article assesses the behavior of Sri Lanka Muslims in the face of the 2019 terrorist attack by some Muslims. The article finds that religious identity alone is not sufficient to trigger violence, as evidence suggests that underlying socio-economic as well as political grievances produce polarization and radical actions. We argue that long-standing arguments tying radical actions solely to religion may require substantial revision and need to be situated within a wider frame of national reconciliation especially if it does not consider existing contexts.
Since its independence in 1962, Algeria used Islam to strengthen the sense of national identity or as a tool of self-legitimization. The Algerian political elite not only legitimized governments in the shadow of Islam, but institutionalized it through different organisms, represented by the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Endowments (Awqaf), the Islamic High Council, and more recent institutions, such as those gravitating around the Great Mosque of Algiers with important cultural, social, and administrative tasks. This bureaucratization of Islam represented the cornerstone of the state fight against radicalization and the crystallization of an Algerian national Islam that has been vital for the stabilization of the country.
Abstract Focusing on the years between 1895 and 1897, this article reconstructs what happened after the arrival of Young Turk revolutionaries into the cities of the Danubian hinterland, particularly centering on Rusçuk (Ruse in today's Bulgaria). In tracing the footsteps of İbrahim Temo and Mustafa Ragıp, two self-exiled figures from İstanbul, this study captures a particular moment when the Danubian cities became the hotbed of transnational radicalism, as a number of assassination plots began to be hatched by Muslim revolutionaries. A well-connected port city serviced by regular steamship links, Rusçuk was where professional revolutionaries met with the local Muslims, much to the ire of Ottoman diplomats in the region. In capturing their encounters, the goal is to point to the significance of Young Turk activities in the Balkans before the turn of the century, a phase which remains understudied in the existing literature. By focusing on a secondary port city that became home to failed assassination plots, this article also seeks to contribute to ongoing discussion in global history that warns against narratives of unhindered globalization. In studying fin-de-siecle radicalization, I hope to contribute to these debates by reflecting upon the limits of globalization as a productive field of historical inquiry.
COVID-19 public health mandates used in Canada and elsewhere proved to be potent measures for radicalizing new groups to right-wing ideas and gatherings, as well as for broadly main-streaming anti-government and anti-media rhetoric. This is visible online on the sites of some influencers who have waged a battle against COVID-19 mandates, and in real world protests such as Canada's Freedom Convoy, an event that culminated in a three-week occupation of Canada's capital, Ottawa, from January 29 through February 20, 2022. The movement had some appeal beyond its core groups and picked up momentum as time went on. The rise of right-wing populism in Canada is a result of multiple factors, but in this article, we will limit the purview to how an anti-vax and anti-mandate movement served to radicalize newcomers to a position antithetical to that of public health authorities and mainstream opinion, and also how this ideological struggle was mobilized and received via algorithm-driven online media.