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Though widely used by academics and policy-makers in the context of the 'war on terror', the concept of radicalization lacks clarity. This article shows that while radicalization is not a myth, its meaning is ambiguous and the major controversies and debates that have sprung from it are linked to the same inherent ambiguity. The principal conceptual fault-line is between notions of radicalization that emphasize extremist beliefs ('cognitive radicalization') and those that focus on extremist behavior ('behavioural radicalization'). This ambiguity explains the differences between definitions of radicalization; it has driven the scholarly debate, which has revolved around the relationship between cognition and behavior; and it provides the backdrop for strikingly different policy approaches-loosely labeled 'European' and 'Anglo-Saxon'-which the article delineates and discusses in depth. Rather than denying its validity, the article calls on scholars and policy-makers to work harder to understand and embrace a concept which, though ambiguous, is likely to dominate research and policy agendas for years to come. (International Affairs (Oxford) / SWP)

El objeto de esta voz es definir el concepto de radicalización violenta y persigue los siguientes objetivos: la determinación de las dimensiones que lo componen, su diferenciación de otros términos como el extremismo violento y el terrorismo y la definición de los principales enfoques que se deben emplear para poder abordar su estudio. La radicalización violenta es un proceso que implica la legitimación o asunción de la violencia como mecanismo para el logro de objetivos sean estos políticos, sociales, religiosos o de otra índole. Como tema de carácter sociopolítico adolece de una gran complejidad por su alcance, por los impactos que genera, así como por la arquitectura institucional que se debe desplegar para poder intervenir. Su inclusión en la agenda pública se presenta asociada al terrorismo, sin embargo, por sí misma, es una amenaza para las sociedades democráticas por el impacto que tiene en la convivencia y en asuntos relacionados como la polarización política. Su prevención es esencial para contener el riesgo de conflicto social y, en último término, para prevenir el terrorismo y la violencia política. ; The aim of this paper is to define the concept of violent radicalization with the following objectives: the determination of the dimensions that comprise it, its differentiation from other terms such as violent extremism and terrorism and the description of the main approaches employed in studying the phenomena. Violent radicalization is a process that involves the legitimization or assumption of violence as a mechanism for achieving political, social, religious, or other objectives. As a socio-political issue, it is highly complex due to its scope, the impacts it generates, as well as the institutional architecture that must be deployed in order to intervene. Its inclusion on the public agenda is associated with terrorism, but it is in itself a threat to democratic societies because of the impact it has on coexistence and related issues such as political polarization. Its prevention is essential to contain the risk of social conflict and, ultimately, to prevent terrorism and political violence.

Radicalization is a process of escalation from nonviolent to increasingly violent repertoires of action that develops through a complex set of interactions unfolding over time. Looking at radicalization mainly through the lenses of a relational approach, this article suggests that social movement studies allow us to bridge structural and agentic explanations in an analysis of the impact of political opportunities and organizational resources, as well as framing, in explaining forms of action and inaction. Available political opportunities influence the reactions of political actors in general to movement demands, thus affecting social movements' strategic choices. Moreover, the availability (or lack) of material and symbolic resources affects the choice of radical repertoire. Finally, organizational resources and contextual opportunities are framed differently by social movement actors, in some cases facilitating radicalization. At the individual level, different paths of radicalization are singled out.

In the past few years, the MENA region witnessed a rise in jihadist extremism and radicalization, as countries in the area were rocked by a series of deadly terrorist attacks. As authorities responded to the threat, it became clear that in order to effectively counter the phenomenon, traditional repressive measures had to now be accompanied by alternative methods of prevention, rehabilitation and dissuasion. How have different governments around the Mediterranean responded? What sort of alternative measures have been taken? How effective have these policies been? What further steps can be taken to strengthen the response of the authorities? These are just some of the key issues that this ISPI Report seeks to cover. The experts in this volume illustrate the policies of contrast, prevention and de-radicalization that have been adopted by countries in the MENA region, revealing emerging trends, lessons learned and overviews of this security status.

In the past few years, the MENA region witnessed a rise in jihadist extremism and radicalization, as countries in the area were rocked by a series of deadly terrorist attacks. As authorities responded to the threat, it became clear that in order to effectively counter the phenomenon, traditional repressive measures had to now be accompanied by alternative methods of prevention, rehabilitation and dissuasion. How have different governments around the Mediterranean responded? What sort of alternative measures have been taken? How effective have these policies been? What further steps can be taken to strengthen the response of the authorities? These are just some of the key issues that this ISPI Report seeks to cover. The experts in this volume illustrate the policies of contrast, prevention and de-radicalization that have been adopted by countries in the MENA region, revealing emerging trends, lessons learned and overviews of this security status.

The paper reviews current research and practice and recommends strategies for development agencies working in the Arab and Muslim world. It builds on the basic assumption that the realization of the Millennium Development Goals will be vital to reduce support for terrorism in the long term. Within this overall framework, emphasis is placed on particular programs that could be specifically applied to counter radicalization.

Radicalization, Terrorism, and Conflict is a collection of scholarly works, authored by international researchers and leading thinkers, addressing contemporary, history-making issues in international security and terrorism from an interdisciplinary perspective. Contributors to this edited volume represent global perspectives, ideas, analysis, and research. Radicalization, Terrorism, and Conflict transmits relevant findings, theory, and policy ideas for scholars of security and terrorism studi

Poland continues to benefit from the minimal threat of terrorism. A corollary of this is that polls indicate that fewer citizens believe that a terrorist attack could take place in Poland. It means that politicians who use fear of terrorism in political discourse are losing one of their leading arguments. However, radicalisation in the form of a general hostility to openness and diversity is becoming more and more popular, and is therefore gradually being recognised as an ongoing threat for internal security. This report has summarised the context, structures, agents and channels of radicalization and de-radicalization. Among the most important challenges it identified lack of independent criminological research into the number of (unreported) hate-motivated crimes against minorities, as well as legal evaluation of the relationship between hate speech and freedom of speech in the Polish context to properly challenge xenophobic and racist narratives.

Baudrillard's theories developed dramatically over his intellectual career of forty years, and throughout these years he contributed considerably to the thematic of cultural fetishism. Consistent with his conception of the consumer society, he developed the notion of sign-fetishism, and object-fetishism. These are both steps in the radicalization of Marx's idea of commodity fetishism, drawing on freud's idea of fetishism as a perverse structure. The article notes that Baudrillard provided inventories of fetishism at regular intervals in his writings, and that these remained curiously unchanging. He contrasts the structure of fetishism with that of symbolic exchange, a cultural formation which resolves fetishism. His analysis of 9/11 is shown to be a complex combination of elements of the theory of fetishism (without being named as such) with that of symbolic exchange. Although Baudrillard developed the notion of fetishism to great critical effect, he did not theorize it or apply it systematically.

Intro -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Chapter 1: Migration and Radicalization in the Age of Covid-19 -- Problem Framing: The Immigration Knot -- Host and Migrant Radicalization in a World of Covid-19 -- Conclusion: Flattening the Radicalization Curve -- Plan of the Book -- Chapter 2: Immigrant Extremists and Domestic Xenophobes: How Migrants and Hosts Radicalize -- A Renewed Hostility to Refugees -- Civil Death and Statelessness: Migrants and Terrorists as the Ultimate Other -- Alleged Connections between Migrants and Terrorism -- Radicalizing Migrants or Radicalizing Domestics? -- How Migrants and Hosts Radicalize: Comparative Cases in Britain, Russia and France -- Muslim Radicalization In and Out of Prisons -- How Radicalization Happens -- Disconnecting Migration from Terrorism -- Chapter 3: Native and Migrant Land Conflicts: Justifying Migration and Explaining Radicalization in a World of State "Boxes" -- A New Land Ethic: Higher Morality and Land -- Who Owns Land? -- Land Ownership Through the Ages -- Arguments for the Native -- Arguments for the Migrant -- Comparing Arguments about Rightful Land Ownership and Redistribution in Zimbabwe, Palestine and Israel -- Conclusion: Supporting Natives and Migrants -- Chapter 4: Idealism, Integration or Illiberalism?: Global Futures for Immigration after Covid-19 -- Predicting Radicalization -- The Merkel Model and Open Borders -- Illiberal Democracy -- Lockdown: Severely Restricting Migration -- Integration, Enclaves and Refugee Limbo -- Civil and Inter-state Conflict -- Conclusion -- Chapter 5: Flattening the Radicalization Curve: How to Reduce Host and Migrant Radicalization -- Domestic Policy Proposals -- International Policy Proposals -- Conclusion -- Index.

After the London bombings in July 2005, the concern of terrorism scholars and policy makers has turned to "home-grown" terrorism and potential for political violence from within the states. "Radicalization" became a new buzz word. This article follows a number of reviews of the literature on radicalization and offers another angle for looking at this research. First, it discusses the term "radicalization" and suggests the use of the following definition of radicalization as a process by which a person adopts belief systems which justify the use of violence to effect social change and comes to actively support as well as employ violent means for political purposes. Next, it proposes to see the theories of radicalization focusing on the individual and the two dimensions of his/her motivation: whether that motivation is internal or external and whether it is due to personal choice or either internal (due to some psychological traits) or external compulsion. Though not all theories fall neatly within these categories, they make it possible to make comparisons of contributions from a variety of different areas thus reflecting on the interdisciplinary nature of the study of terrorism in general and radicalization as a part of it.

Asserts that confronting violent & radical Muslim extremism requires breaking the connection between such movements & potential new recruits. At issue is ensuring that US public diplomacy targets the likeliest recruits, ie, disaffected youth & those who influence them. It is argued that winning hearts & minds, an idealistic goal, should not distract from the more immediate & realistic goal of distracting vulnerable population segments from the extremist recruitment process. This can be achieved, it is asserted, by providing locally driven & disseminated alternatives. Challenges include the fact that the US is late to arrive in a field well-represented by al Qaeda & other groups; however, digital technology, particularly the Internet, is seen to offer the US an opportunity to reach at-risk youth. It is contended US citizens must play a role in engaging with other populations, while credible local entities & individuals must be a key part in challenging extremism. How the US government can partner with the private sector to reach at-risk populations is explained. In closing, some thoughts are offered on how to proceed with initiatives & on seeing radicalization as more than simply an Islamist phenomenon. D. Edelman