Suchergebnisse

La reciente recuperación del que pasa por ser el cortometraje español de dibujos animados más antiguo conservado, Francisca, la mujer fatal (K-Hito, 1933), gracias a la labor de la Filmoteca de Zaragoza en colaboración con la Filmoteca Española, nos sirve de excusa para indagar en el primer intento serio de industria animada en España. Nos referimos a la efímera Sociedad Española de Dibujos Animados (SEDA), que fue creada en Madrid a instanciasde Joaquín Xauradó y secundada por un ramillete de dibujantes provenientes de revistas satíricas o periódicos de marcado corte político y del entorno de "la otra generación del 27", como fueron K-Hito, Antonio Got, Fco. López Rubio, Antonio Bellóno Manuel Alonso Moyano, entre otros. En sus escasos dos años de vida alumbraron una breve filmografía compuesta por Un drama en la costa (Joaquín Xauradó, 1933), El rata primero (K-Hito, 1933), Francisca, la mujer fatal (K-Hito, 1933) y Serenata (Fco. López Rubio, 1934), y que solo por pionera cuenta con el máximo interés.En el presente trabajo conoceremos, pues, a sus principales artífices, cuyo paso por la animación quedó eclipsado por su propia trayectoria, anterior y posterior a la SEDA, así como sus películas, perdidas debido a lo exiguo de su distribución y tiraje —cuando lo hubo—, así como a los avatares propios de la conservación de los materiales. Este estudio que se detendrá en las condiciones que propiciaron el intento de negocio, el tenso contexto social y político en el que se desarrolló y su pronto final debido a la muerte de su músculo principal, Joaquín Xauradó, en los prolegómenos de la Guerra Civil. ; The recent recovery of the presumable oldest preserved Spanish cartoon short film, Francisca, la mujer fatal (K-Hito, 1933), thanks to the work of the Zaragoza Cinemateque in collaboration with the Spanish Film Library, allows us to inquire into the first serious attempt to settle at animated industry in Spain: the short-lived Spanish Cartoon Society (SEDA), which was created in Madrid thanks to Joaquín Xauradó and supported by a bunch of cartoonists from satirical magazines and political newspapers —akin to "the other 1927 generation"—, such as K-Hito, Antonio Got, Fco. López Rubio, Antonio Bellón or Manuel Alonso Moyano. During SEDA's scarce two years of duration, these artists lit up a filmography composed of Un drama en la costa (Joaquín Xauradó, 1933), El rata primero (K-Hito, 1933), Francisca, la mujer fatal (K-Hito, 1933) and Serenata (Fco. López Rubio, 1934), all them relevant due to their pioneering nature.In the following pages we will meet Francisca's main makers, whose work as animators was overshadowed by their own comic trajectory before and after SEDA, as well as their films, lost due to their meager printing and distribution —if they ever had—, as well as their preservation chances. This essay will also attend the framework that led to the business attempt, as well as the tense social and political context, and SEDA's soon end due to the decease of Joaquín Xauradó, its main director, in the run-up to the Civil War.

During II Spanish Republic, political mobilization was a key matter for the nobility. Passivity, plot involvement or party militancy: all these attitudes were displayed by the noblemen and women in a just newborn regime. The study of this social group questions traditional interpretations on right-wing attitudes in the Second Republic, what have substantial consequences until the end of the regime, even for the Spanish Civil War and the Francoism. The article tackles some key events from the point of view of the nobility: Republic proclamation, the 10th May events and the Sanjurjo coup. Moreover, it is offered a new approach to the Grandees of Spain expropriation and its connection with their political mobilization. The aristocracy decisions, strategies and paradoxes allow us to understand more deeply the right-wing evolution in the Republic, adding the elitist dimension of the group to the complex processes of deliberalization, fascistization and capture by the radical nationalism. ; Durante la II República, la movilización política fue una cuestión central para la nobleza. Desde la pasividad a la conspiración, pasando por la militancia partidista, los nobles tuvieron distintas actitudes desde el nacimiento del nuevo régimen. El estudio de este grupo social permite poner en cuestión interpretaciones consolidadas sobre la actitud de las derechas, con implicaciones evidentes en su papel en el bando sublevado, así como durante el franquismo. En este artículo se abordarán desde la perspectiva de la nobleza acontecimientos clave como la propia proclamación de la República, los sucesos del 10 de mayo o el golpe de Sanjurjo. Además, se hará una nueva lectura sobre la expropiación de los Grandes y su importancia en la movilización política de la nobleza. El estudio de las actitudes, estrategias e incoherencias de la aristocracia permite percibir una corriente elitista en las derechas en los complejos procesos de desliberalización, fascistización y captura nacionalista.

This article looks at the radicalization of the political discourse and strategies of the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) from the early 1980s to the present. It argues that the radicalization of the discourse of PAS has to be understood in the context of the realities of Malaysian politics in the 1980s and 1990s, and how PAS was forced on the defensive thanks to the Malaysian states own aggressive Islamization policy as well as variable factors from abroad such as the Iranian revolution. This article therefore examines how and why PAS made the transition from being a moderate Islamist-nationalist party in the 1960s and 1970s to the more radical and fundamentalist party that it is today. It concludes that the development of PAS then was very much part of a greater global current that was sweeping the Muslim world as a whole. (Contemp Southeast As/DÜI)

The purpose of the article is to identify and build a mental model of the formation of the spiritual intelligence of a young individual. The research methodology was a humanistic approach, which made it possible to pay priority attention to the problems of a young individual, his/her search for the meaning of life and the determination of value orientations, as well as the process of modernizing the directions of society's activities and the development of new approaches to the formation of the spiritual intelligence of a young person. The main results of the study were: the identification of relevant factors in the 21st century, the consequences of the negative impact on the spiritual intelligence of an individual with an immature worldview system lead him/her to enter the path of radicalization; the creation of a mental model that reveals the dependence of the transformation of the spiritual intelligence of a young individual, and, consequently, the vector of his/her behaviorism from the influence of external and internal factors, as well as the construction of a mathematical model describing the process of its functioning. The results obtained in the course of the study will provide significant assistance to state authorities and law enforcement agencies in preventing the radicalization of young people in the modern world and will allow building a system of youth policy that is adequate to a democratic society.

Irrespective of discipline, the publication of null or non-significant findings is rare in the social sciences. For burgeoning fields like terrorism research, this is particularly problematic. As well as increasing the likelihood of Type II errors, the selective reporting of significant findings ultimately impedes progression, hindering comprehensive syntheses of evidence and enabling ill-supported lines of scientific enquiry to persist. This manuscript discusses several structural and individual-level variables which failed to produce significant, linear associations with involvement in terrorist violence in a dataset (N = 206) of right-wing and jihadist extremists active in Europe and North America. After considering methodological factors such as non-random distributions of missing data, we illustrate how certain variables are significantly associated with involvement in terrorist violence at particular periods in a radicalizing individual's lifespan, but not others (i.e., pre- or post-radicalization onset). Moreover, we demonstrate that while some static, binary constructs (such as whether or not a radicalizing individual was exposed to diverse viewpoints) are not associated with terrorist violence, their influence over time produces different associations. We conclude that radicalization may be less about individuals having pre-disposing risk factors, such as biographical stressors, and more about cognitive changes that allow individuals to re-evaluate their lives through the lens of an extremist ideology. We also underline the importance of taking a temporal, rather than static, perspective to better understand the variables associated with the outcomes of radicalization trajectories.

The Assessment and Treatment of Radicalization Scale (ATRS) is designed to quantitatively measure Muslim extremists' ideologies regarding risk areas that are reported in the literature. Utilizing the scale, in this study, using a convenience sample of 1769 from 10 countries (Australia, Canada, Egypt, India, Iran, Iraq, Nigeria, Pakistan, Spain, and South Africa) responded to the ATRS. Results supported previous findings about the reliability and validity of the Assessment and Treatment of Radicalization Scale (ATRS, formerly known as Belief Diversity Scale BDS, Loza, 2007) for assessing Muslim extremists. Suggested cut off scores to use for identifying possible extremists are provided.

Despite the progress Tunisia has made in the past years, the country continues to be plagued by the persistence of grave socio-economic disparities - a key driver of the popular upheavals in 2011. Among other factors, corruption and the high frequency of changes in government have significantly hampered the Tunisian government's ability to address these issues and implement effective socio-economic and political reforms. As a result, dissatisfaction with the political process has been growing, particularly among youth. This has provided a fertile ground for radicalization.

This article analyzes and compares French and U.S. domestic responses to Jihadi radicalization, placing particular attention on the similarities between the two. In view of the political and cultural differences between the United States and France, the parallels between U.S. and French approaches to homegrown Jihadi radicalization are remarkable. Both countries got off to a late start when formulating counterradicalization strategies. While the underlying reasons (related to, inter alia, the notion of American exceptionalism and the French version of secularism) for this differ, the U.S. introduced its first counterradicalization strategy in 2011, followed by France in 2014. More important, so-called "soft" measures (including phone hotlines, dialogues and workshops, vocational training, targeted interventions, or counseling and exit programs), adopted by most Western democracies in an effort to prevent vulnerable individuals from radicalizing and reintegrate foreign fighters and others who have become infected with the Jihadi virus, have taken a back seat to "hard" security measures (including surveillance, arrests, and prosecutions) in the two countries. These findings have important implications for policymakers. Understanding what responses have been formulated, and also why, can facilitate international cooperation and provide useful insights on the characteristics, strengths, as well as limits of U.S. and French approaches to Jihadi radicals and foreign fighters.

This article explores how Muslim-led civil society organizations (CSOs) implement programs to Counter Violent Extremism (CVE) in Malindi, Kenya, while adapting these programs to both their local context and the CVE-policies of Western donors. So far, little research has been done on how East-African Muslims relate themselves to (global) anxieties about Islam and violent extremism. Taking theories within the anthropology of secularism as an analytical frame, I argue that although Western donors try to maintain a public stance of neutrality towards different religions, they perpetuate stigmatizing associations between Islam and terrorism by tacitly mobilizing a distinction between 'moderate' and 'radical' Muslims. Based on extensive ethnographic research, I subsequently analyze how Muslim-led CSOs strategically navigate and challenge these stigmatizing associations as they implement CVE programs in Malindi. I also show how the desire to present Islam as peaceful limits possibilities to address widespread feelings of marginalization among Kenyan Muslims.

In December 1992, the United Nations Security Council, acting under chapter 7 of its charter, authorized the use of all necessary means to secure the delivery of humanitarian aid to the people of Somalia. In the collapsing landscape of that country, however, the intervention of the international community triggered the rise of radical Islamic actors. This result was not simply a product of diplomatic incompetence but an indirect result of the foreign community's different perspectives and aims during the crisis. This essay attempts to draw conclusions from the political economy of the crisis to address the rise of the local Islamist movement with the use of security dilemma theory.