The opening, in 2004, of John Rawls's personal archive prompted a new wave of Rawls scholarship. This work has deepened our understanding of the development and impact of Rawls's ideas and of the broader contours of twentieth-century analytical political philosophy. This article places these recent archival histories, for the first time, in the context of the longer history of attempts to historicize Rawls, beginning with the publication of A Theory of Justice fifty years ago. Doing so does three things. First, it shows that early readers were more interested in how to think historically about Rawls than is sometimes assumed. Second, it reveals that partisan accounts of Rawls's place in history, popularized by those close to him, have sometimes made their way into the archival studies. Third and finally, it offers an opportunity to rethink how the twentieth-century history of political philosophy and political theory is often told.
Rawls' primary legacy is not that he standardised a particular view of justice, but rather that he standardised a particular method of arguing about it: justification via reflective equilibrium. Yet this method, despite such standardisation, is often misunderstood in at least four ways. First, we miss its continuity across his various works. Second, we miss the way in which it unifies other justificatory ideas, such as the 'original position' and an 'overlapping consensus'. Third, we miss its fundamentally empirical character, given that it turns facts about the thoughts in our head into principles for the regulation of our political existence. Fourth, we miss some of the implications of that empiricism, including its tension with moral realism, relativism, and conservatism.
In this article, the author evaluates whether Rawls rightly believed that his theory of justice could be interpreted as Kantian. Rawls' Kantianism is primarily treated as the general ethical foundation of his theory of justice. Providing insight into the debate conducted on Kantian's interpretation in the 1970s and early 1980s, the author explains the first doubts about Rawls' Kantianism, and how Rawls' defenders subsequently responded to them. At the center of the debate was the question of whether Rawls' principles of justice were essentially the fruit of heteronomous rather than autonomous motivation, and whether they could be treated as "categorical imperatives." Noting the significant differences in the conception of moral motivation between Kant and Rawls, the author explains how and why Rawls' Kantianism is essential to the history of moral and political philosophy. Finally, the author suggests that Rawls' Kantianism should be treated more like Kantian inspiration rather than Kantian interpretation in a literal sense.
Rawls defines education as the training and development of abilities and aptitudes, a civic, constitutional teaching, as a means for making a living and developing a cooperation sense. To understand the role of education in Rawls' work we need to understand the concept of a well-ordered society. It is related to primary goods. In them political freedoms are given priority; and through them citizens —in developing their expression and meeting abilities, in enjoying freedom of thought— may get to enhance their self-esteem; guaranteeing citizens' personal and social life enrichment. From this perspective, education plays a central role in society, as it helps to develop autonomy, allowing for individuals' actions to be reflected by the principles they would accept as rational, reasonable, equal and free beings. As a consequence, education enables citizens for public debate. According to the theory of justice as fairness, differently from utilitarianism, citizenship development is a fundamental element; politics and education are intertwined aspects ; Rawls define la educación como el desarrollo y el entrenamiento de habilidades y aptitudes, como enseñanza cívica y constitucional, como medio para el sostenimiento y el sentido de cooperación. Para entender el papel que la educación tiene en la obra de Rawls es necesario entender el concepto de una sociedad bien ordenada. Dicha sociedad está relacionada con los bienes primarios. En ellos, las libertades políticas tienen prioridad, y es a través de los mismos que los ciudadanos, desarrollando sus capacidades de expresión y convocatoria, teniendo libertad de pensamiento, pueden obtener la posibilidad de levantar la autoestima; algo que garantiza un enriquecimiento de la vida personal y social de los ciudadanos. Desde esta perspectiva, la educación desempeña un papel central en la sociedad, en el sentido de desarrollar la autonomía, permitiendo que las personas tengan una acción reflexiva a partir de los principios que ellas aceptarían en la calidad de individuos racionales, razonables, iguales y libres. En consecuencia, la educación capacita los ciudadanos para un debate público. En la teoría de la justicia como equidad, a diferencia del utilitarismo, el desarrollo de la ciudadanía es elemento fundamental: política y educación forman aspectos inmiscuidos. ; Rawls define a educação como o desenvolvimento e o treinamento de habilidades e aptidões, como o ensinamento cívico, constitucional, como meio para o sustento e o senso de cooperação. Para se entender o papel que a educação possui na obra de Rawls é necessário compreender o conceito de uma sociedade bem-ordenada. Esta está relacionada aos bens primários. Nestes as liberdades políticas têm prioridade; é através deles que os cidadãos, desenvolvendo suas capacidades de expressão e reunião, tendo liberdade de pensamento, podem obter a possibilidade de elevação da auto-estima; algo que garante um enriquecimento da vida pessoal e social dos cidadãos. Nesta perspectiva, a educação desempenha um papel central na sociedade, no sentido de desenvolver a autonomia, permitindo que as pessoas tenham uma ação refletida pelos princípios que elas aceitariam na qualidade de indivíduo racional, razoável, igual e livre. Em conseqüência, a educação capacita os cidadãos para um debate público. Na teoria da justiça como eqüidade, diferentemente do utilitarismo, o desenvolvimento da cidadania é elemento fundamental; política e educação formam aspectos imiscuídos.
It is a commonplace to affirm the kantian influence in the Rawls´s work; however, the political constructivism (expose in Political Liberalism, 1993) meant an reject of universalism, that turn it is impossible to explain in kantian terms. What follows is an attempt of evaluating the overlapping consensus thesis in the light the general conception of political philosophy and practical reason in Hegel. ; Ha llegado a ser un lugar común aseverar la influencia de Kant en la obra de Rawls; sin embargo, el constructivismo político (tal como se lo expuso en Political Liberalism, 1993) significó un rechazo del universalismo que es imposible explicar en términos kantianos. Lo que sigue es un intento de evaluar la tesis del consenso superpuesto a la luz de la concepción general de la filosofía política y la razón práctica en Hegel.
El objetivo de este artículo es realizar una crítica al concepto de razón pública de John Rawls desde una perspectiva kantiana. Creemos que una formulación de la razón pública más cercana al uso público de la razón propuesto por Kant puede proveer soluciones frente a algunos problemas del liberalismo rawlsiano. En particular, en lo tocante a la cuestión de la igualdad política. ; O objetivo deste artigo é realizar uma crítica ao conceito de razão pública de John Rawls de uma perspectiva kantiana. Acreditamos que uma formulação da razão pública mais próxima do uso público da razão proposto por Kant pode prover solução face a alguns problemas do liberalismo rawlsiano. Em particular, no tocante à questão da igualdade política. ; The aim of this article is to provide a critical reading of John Rawls' public reason from a Kantian point of view. We believe that an account of the public reason closer to Kant's public use of reason could face some problems of the Rawlsian liberalism. In particular, those regarding political equality.
El objetivo de este artículo es realizar una crítica al concepto de razón pública de John Rawls desde una perspectiva kantiana. Creemos que una formulación de la razón pública más cercana al uso público de la razón propuesto por Kant puede proveer soluciones frente a algunos problemas del liberalismo rawlsiano. En particular, en lo tocante a la cuestión de la igualdad política. ; O objetivo deste artigo é realizar uma crítica ao conceito de razão pública de John Rawls de uma perspectiva kantiana. Acreditamos que uma formulação da razão pública mais próxima do uso público da razão proposto por Kant pode prover solução face a alguns problemas do liberalismo rawlsiano. Em particular, no tocante à questão da igualdade política. ; The aim of this article is to provide a critical reading of John Rawls' public reason from a Kantian point of view. We believe that an account of the public reason closer to Kant's public use of reason could face some problems of the Rawlsian liberalism. In particular, those regarding political equality. ; Fil: Alles, Nicolás Emanuel. Universidad Nacional del Litoral. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias. Departamento de Filosofía; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Santa Fe; Argentina
First, this article puts forth a political and cultural explanation for the fact that the work of Rawls and other American liberal analytic political philosophers was neglected in Portugal during the 1970s and 1980s. Second, the article describes Portuguese reactions to Rawls's ideas in the 1990s, focusing on commentaries by scholars and `public intellectuals'. Throughout this period, there was a gradual shift from glib partisan judgements to more careful responses. Third, the reception of Rawls in Portugal is compared with the reception in Spain. This comparison shows that both broad social context and the nature of academia tended to be more hospitable to Rawls in Spain than in Portugal. However, the situation is changing. ; (undefined) ...
Presentation on John Rawls' A Theory of Justice" at 50: Revisiting John Rawls' Legacy for the Webinar organised by Centre for Rural Management (CRM), Kottayam, Kerala on May 29, 2021 at 6:00 PM
Many mainline Protestant communities want to be welcoming while preserving their identities; they want to be shaped by the central claims of the faith while making room for those who doubt. And crucially, they want to do this in a way that leads to vibrant, growing communities, where more and more people gather to worship, encourage one another, and live out the Gospel. How should the Episcopal Church—and other mainline Protestant denominations, insofar as they're similar—try to achieve these goals? I suggest that local churches borrow some resources from John Rawls's Political Liberalism. On the view I outline, it's valuable for local churches to see themselves as akin to political bodies composed of reasonable citizens. The idea, in essence, is that the relevant kind of reasonableness would make congregations more unified even while tolerating more diversity, and would accomplish all this without giving up their distinctly Christian identity.
Se publican en este libro los textos de diez lecciones sobre la filosofía política de John Rawls ofrecidas entre los meses de marzo y junio de 2002 por siete profesores de filosofía, estudiosos de la obra de este autor y que trabajan en diversas instituciones universitarias colombianas. Estas lecciones estuvieron destinadas a un público no especializado y en esa medida constituyen una introducción, no solamente al pensamiento de Rawls, sino a un segmento importante de las discusiones y debates en el ámbito de la filosofía política contemporánea, Como tendrá ocasión de notarlo el lector, los contenidos de los ensayos reflejan perspectivas diversas sobre la obra de Rawls, tanto en lo que se refiere a su comprensión y a su interpretación propiamente dichas, como a la posición que los autores asumen frente a ella. La obra de este importante filósofo contemporáneo, en efecto, ha marcado de tal modo la escena de las discusiones y debates filosofico-políticos, que es prácticamente imposible abocar su estudio sin terminar tomando una posición frente a ella. De ahí el título que se le ha dado a este volumen: Con Rawls y contra Rawls. Los textos que se presentan a continuación reflejan lo más fielmente posible los contenidos de las lecciones de 2002. Con excepción del ensayo de Andrés Hernández, todos los demás textos conservan sus redacciones originales, más con la intención de conservar la huella histórica de los planteamientos de sus autores, que como testimonio de que éstos no hayan sufrido ninguna modificación desde entonces. Las referencias bibliográficas remiten a la Bibliografía general que aparece al final del volumen.
Terjadinya konflik horizontal yang mengatasnamakan identitas kelompok (etnis, suku, keyakinan dan seterusnya) dikarenakan adanya phobia terhadap perbedaan. Padahal perbedaan suatu keniscayaan, karena manusia tidak akan mampu menyeragamkan atau menuntut orang lain untuk sama dengan dirinya, baik pada aspek pemikiran, keyakinan, etnis, suku, budaya, dan sebagainya. Filsafat multikulturalisme John Rawls merupakan alternatif tawaran politik kebudayaan untuk mengatasi konflik horizontal. Menurut Rawls, suatu masyarakat yang adil bukanlah hanya menjamin "the greatest happiness for the greatest number" yang selama ini terkenal dalam prinsip demokrasi. Tetapi, masyarakat yang adil menurutnya adalah adanya pengakuan dan penerimaan terhadap perbedaan dan keberagaman. Pendapatnya ini dia rangkai dalam pokok-pokok pemikirannya tentang keadilan, seperti: Justice as Fairness, Veil of Ignorance, Principle of Equal Liberty, Maximin Rule, Lexical Order dan Reflective Equilibrium.
We would philosophically analyze the underlying foundations of right in the metaphysical morality of Kant and that empirical and sociological inclination of Rawls towards Kantian conception of person. We believe that Rawls shifts from the Kantian conception of person which is a transcendental self. However, he does not altogether detach himself with the project of deontological ethics i.e. priority of right over the good. If we critically analyze the Rawlsian methodology of deontological ethics, we may scrutinize ontological reasons or grounds beyond his deontological ethics. Central theme of the moral theory is that of the theory of person. We must critically analyze the Kantian perspective on the deontological ethics. In this article we would excavate the fact that liberalism prioritizes a particular conception of good, which is higher good of liberal political society. It has priority over all other moral comprehensive doctrines, which is contradiction of deontological liberalism e.g. priority of right over the good. In the same realm of reasoning, it would emerge that Rawlsian Liberalism confines theory of justice to only liberal societies. In this way, this theory is not cross-culturally applicable and would only regulate liberal societies at large. We would discuss that super powers have lost their credibility to teach constitutional democracy to the non-liberal world under this theory which restrains deontological ethics as culturally specific and historically determined.
Este libro contiene los textos de las lecciones sobre la filosofía política de John Rawls ofrecidas entre los meses de marzo y junio de 2002 por siete profesores de filosofía estudiosos de la obra de este autor y que trabajan en diversas instituciones. / Contenido. Preliminares; Capítulo 1 - El desafío republicano al liberalismo igualitario de Rawls y los debates sobre libertad, ciudadanía y democracia; Capítulo 2 - La Filosofía política de John Rawls [I]: la teoría de la justicia: de la tradición analítica a la tradición radical filosófico-política; Capítulo 3 - La filosofía política de John Rawls [II]: El liberalismo político: hacia un modelo de democracia consensual; Capítulo 4 - Rawls: entre universalismo y contextualismo, o el liberalismo histórico como base de una teoría universal de justicia; Capitulo 5 - Del derecho de los pueblos a los pueblos sin derechos; Capítulo 6 - El Caso U´wa: un conflicto en torno al mal radical; Capítulo 7 - John Rawls y los derechos constitucionales; Capítulo 8 - Justicia y exclusión: elementos para la formación de una concepción igualitaria de la justicia; Capítulo 9 - Rawls, Marx y la justicia social; Anexos
Renowned political philosopher John Rawls once expressed skepticism about the moral status of the European Union (EU). Yet generally EU scholars have either ignored Rawls or rather uncritically established positive links between his theory of domestic and international justice and the EU. This article argues that the EU cannot be morally justified from a Rawlsian perspective. Thus, Rawls's Euro-skepticism is not just a personal opinion, but is embedded in his political philosophy. The argument basically entails that the EU cannot plausibly be understood in terms of a Rawlsian (i) domestic society or (ii) society of peoples. It is also argued that Rawls's seemingly favorable yet rare mentioning of the 'European Community' means no theoretical support for the EU. Moreover, counter-arguments that the EU can be seen as in line with Rawls's notion of a realistic utopia are shown to be false. In consequence, serious adherents of Rawls's political philosophy cannot be committed EU defenders. Keywords: European integration, European Union, John Rawls, Law of Peoples, political liberalism, theory of justice
