Political reconciliation
In: Routledge Innovations in Political Theory
In: Routledge Innovations in Political Theory Ser.
In: Routledge Innovations in Political Theory
In: Routledge Innovations in Political Theory Ser.
"Conceived at the same conference that produced the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), the Student Interracial Ministry (SIM) was a national organization devoted to dismantling Jim Crow while simultaneously advancing American Protestant mainline churches' approach to race. In this book, David P. Cline details how the seminary students of SIM influenced hundreds of thousands of community members through its racial reconciliation and economic justice projects"--|c Provided by publisher
In: Refugee survey quarterly, Band 25, Heft 4, S. 191-194
ISSN: 1471-695X
This contribution describes the speaker's experiences working with World Vision International (WVI). It demonstrates the power of cooperative efforts in the partnership between WVI, the World Health Organization (WHO), World Food Programme (WFP), and the International Federation of the Red Cross and Red Crescent (IFRC), along with localized NGOs. Through the relation of poignant anecdotes from the speaker's background, it demonstrates the potential for strategic alliances to build mutually supportive relationships between agencies. The contribution asserts that through the cooperation and coordination of international humanitarian organizations and NGOs, it will be possible to make the mechanisms for aid distribution at the local level operational. Finally, the article calls for a revitalized effort to develop new ways to lay the foundation for humanitarian partnerships and reconciliation of suffering and alienated populations. W. A. Butler
South African state schools have begun to admit pupils from different linguistic, cultural, religious and political backgrounds. This could raise problems for Religious Education which traditionally has been instruction in the Christian faith rather than education in religion. If the subject is to gain credibility a new approached must be adopted, one which has the aim of concealing people from different backgrounds. Suggestions are made as to how this could be done, viz, a study of the world's major religions as a way of inculcating attitudes of tolerance and respect, an emphasis on the importance of inter-personal relations, as well as God's demands for justice and righteousness. If this line of approach is followed not only will the person-building potential of Religious Education be realised, but the subject could make a contribution to the policy of reconciliation.
BASE
This paper sets out to examine, at the national level, changes in the socioeconomic status of Indigenous Australians during the decade 1991–2001, a period that closely matches 'the reconciliation decade'. The information used is from three five-yearly censuses undertaken by the Australian Bureau of Statistics in 1991, 1996 and 2001. Comparisons are made both of change in absolute wellbeing for the total Indigenous population, and of relative wellbeing between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians. Five broad categories of socioeconomic status are used in the analysis—employment, education, income, housing and health. The decade is divided into two five-year periods, 1991–1996 and 1996–2001. In 1996, there was a change in Federal government so that for the first time since Indigenous Australians were included in the census in 1971, there is a close match between political and census cycles. This facilitates a comparative assessment of the broad Indigenous affairs policy performance of the Hawke and Keating governments from 1991 to 1996, and that of the Howard governments between 1996 and 2001. This comparative analysis is important because there has been an attempt to change the broad approach in Indigenous policy since 1996. According to recent policy discourse, the period 1991 to 1996 saw a focus on both 'symbolic' (Indigenous rights) and 'practical' (socioeconomic improvements) reconciliation, while the period since 1996 has focused increasingly on 'practical' reconciliation only, in an attempt to reduce the material disadvantage of Indigenous Australians. The paper develops a 'scorecard' and shows that, in absolute terms, it is difficult to differentiate the performance of governments pre- and post-1996. However, in relative terms—that is when comparing the relative wellbeing of Indigenous people as a whole with all other Australians—there is some disparity between the two periods, with the early period 1991–1996 clearly outperforming the more recent period. In conclusion we note that while practical reconciliation forms the rhetorical basis for Indigenous policy development since 1996, there is no evidence that the Howard governments have delivered better outcomes for Indigenous Australians than their predecessors. Indigenous socioeconomic problems are deeply entrenched and do not seem to be abating even during a period of rapid economic growth at the national level. It is of particular concern that some of the relative gains made between 1991 and 1996 appear to have been offset by the relatively poor performance of Indigenous outcomes between 1996 and 2001.
BASE
In: Africa research bulletin. Political, social and cultural series, Band 38, Heft 2, S. 14305-14309
ISSN: 0001-9844
In: Representation, Band 12, Heft 45, S. 1-2
ISSN: 1749-4001
In: The Social Control of Cities?, S. 103-105
In: Ritual and Politics: Writing the History of a Dynastic Conflict in Medieval Poland, S. 41-84
In: From Armed Struggle to Political Struggle : Republican tradition and transformation in Northern Ireland
In: Restorative Justice, Reconciliation, and Peacebuilding, S. 77-117