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This paper aims at examining how democratization in post-uprising Egypt remains flawed and the reasons for this failure. As a background, democratization in post-Arab Spring Egypt has collapsed and it seems now merely an illusion. The situation worsened since Egypt's democratically elected President Morsi was expelled from office through a coup, following mass protests demanding Morsi's discharge. Egypt's democratization is hard to achieve due to the shadow of the Pharaoh in Egypt, that is, entrenched ruling elites; Egypt's democratization process can never succeed while Egypt's old ruling elites are reluctant to allow this to happen. ; This paper aims at examining how democratization in post-uprising Egypt remains flawed and the reasons for this failure. As a background, democratization in post-Arab Spring Egypt has collapsed and it seems now merely an illusion. The situation worsened since Egypt's democratically elected President Morsi was expelled from office through a coup, following mass protests demanding Morsi's discharge. Egypt's democratization is hard to achieve due to the shadow of the Pharaoh in Egypt, that is, entrenched ruling elites; Egypt's democratization process can never succeed while Egypt's old ruling elites are reluctant to allow this to happen.

All Israeli governments since the beginning of the break-up of Yugoslavia have adopted a consistently pro-Serbian stand. Israeli public opinion has failed to respond to Serbian atrocities in a way comparable to the responses of many other countries. The author argues that an important part of the explanation of this remarkable state of affairs, which puts Israel at odds with most of the Western world & the Jewish diaspora, is to be found in Israel's history. Israel was set up at the price of turning the larger part of the native Palestinian population into expellees or refugees. Its continued existence as an ethnic, Jewish state is predicated on not admitting the exiled Palestinians back. Collective repression & denial of these facts help explain the unwillingness or inability of Israeli society & its political establishment to condemn the Serbs' war of expansion & "ethnic cleansing.". Adapted from the source document.

S ciljem procjene adaptacijskih sposobnosti hrvatskih izbjeglica iz Baranje u Republici Mađarskoj, autori ovog rada psihijatrijskim su intervjuom po specifično pripremljenom upitniku za ovo istraživanje procjenjivali duševno stanje 100 izbjeglica u dobi od 10 do 82 godine. Prosječna starost izbjeglica bila je 38 godina. Procjenjivanje psihičkog stanja izbjeglica učinjeno je 6 tjedana nakon njihova dolaska u logor (socijalnu ustanovu) u jednom malom mjestu (Maria Gyud) u Mađarskoj. Autori nalaze da su izbjeglice napustile svoj dom i svoju Domovinu pred zatrašujućim neprijateljima, domaćim Srbima, koje identificiraju kao teroriste i pred srpskom vlasti potpomognutom Jugoslavenskom narodnom armijom. Napuštanje svojih domova i Domovine bilo je iznenadno, ali ipak svojom voljom. Odlazak je bio praćen strahom, tjeskobom, nevjericom, očajem, ljutnjom i rijetkim paničnim ponašanjem. Na prvom je mjestu bio strah za djecu, pa strah od mučenja i sakaćenja od strane terorista, dok su strahovi blažeg intenziteta bili za vlastiti život, rodbinu i imovinu. Dominantno osjećanje za vrijeme razgovora s izbjeglicama bilo je čežnja za domom i Domovinom i briga za budućnost. Ovo osjećanje je domininantno u 61% ispitanika. Emocionalne i psihosomatske smetnje je imalo 42% ispitanika, a grupiraju se oko Bardovog »neurasteničnog sindroma«. Samo 5% izbjeglica je zatražilo konkretnu psihijatrijsku pomoć, i to onih koji su i prije izbjeglištva imali psihičkih problema. Autori zaključuju da i nakon 6 tjedana boravka hrvatske izbjeglice iz Baranje u Republiku Mađarsku imaju adaptacijskih problema, a koji se manifestiraju emocionalnim i psihosomatskim reakcijama, pa preporučuju sistematsku domovinsku stručnu i laičku psihološku pomoć i podršku. ; Psychological state of a group of 100 refugees aged 10-82 yrs (mean, 38 yrs) was assessed by a psychiatric interview vising a questionnaire designed especially for this study. The aim of the study was to evaluate the adaptative capacities of Croatian refugees from Baranya temporarily accommodated in the Republic of Hungary. The interview was conducted 6 weeks after their arrival in the camp (a social care institution) in Maria Gyud, a small town in Hungary. The refugees were found to have fled their homes and Homeland in fear from cruel enemies, i.e. local Serbs whom they identified as terorists, and the Serbian governmental authorities backed up by the Yugoslav Federal Army. The refugees had to leave their homes and Homeland suddenly, but still of their own free will. The departure from home was accompanied by fear, anxiety, disbelief, despair, anger, and panic. First of all, they feared for their children, which was followed by fear from torture and mutilation by terrorists, whereas fears for their own life, relatives and properties were less pronounced. During the interview, homesickness and concern about the future pre dominated in 61% of subjects. Emotional and psychic disturbances, clustered around Beard's »neurasthenic syndrome«, were recorded in 42% of subjects. Actual psychiatric aid was sought by 5% of the refugees, mostly by those who had had some psyhic problems before this forcible displacement. The Croatian refugees from Baranya were found to experience adaptive problems manifesting as emotional and psychosomatic reactions, even after 6 weeks of their stay in Hungary. Provision of a systematic profesional and lay psychologic assistance and support from their Homeland is advised.

In Macedonian culture and remembrance, the children evacuated from northern Greek villages in 1948 by communist activists during the Greek Civil War and sent to socialist states in the Balkans and in Eastern Europe are known as "child refugees from the Aegean part of Macedonia." Such narratives, as part of a contested past, play an important part in the national politics of memory, usually as a tool utilized in the master narratives, but are not theoretically analyzed any further and lack further epistemic and educational presence in the historical curriculum. Thus, I am interested in the position of these oral testimonies in the politics of memory and their potential to challenge the politics of memory. ; U makedonskoj kulturi i sjećanju, djeca koju su 1948. za vrijeme Grčkog građanskog rata komunisti evakuirali iz sela na sjeveru Grčke i poslali u socijalističke države na Balkanu i u Istočnoj Europi danas su poznata kao "djeca izbjeglice iz egejskog dijela Makedonije". Takvi narativi, kao dio sporne povijesti, igraju bitnu ulogu u nacionalnoj politici sjećanja, obično kao sredstvo koje se koristi za izgradnju metanarativa, ali ih se dalje od toga teoretski ne analizira niti oni drže epistemičko i edukacijsko mjesto u povijesnom kurikulumu. Stoga, zainteresirana sam za poziciju tih oralnih svjedočanstava u politici sjećanja i njihov potencijal da ospore politiku sjećanja.

Rad se bavi propitivanjem implikacija izbjegličke krize koja je zahvatila Europsku uniju na demokraciju u Europi i funkcioniranje Europske unije na osnovi usporedbe s teorijom Hannah Arendt o izbjeglicama i ljudskim pravima. Rad se kritički odnosi prema djelovanju Europske unije, posebice Europske komisije, naspram njezinih članica po pitanju rješavanja izbjegličke krize čime se dovodi u pitanje održanje same Europske unije i demokracije na razini Europe. Teorija Hannah Arendt pomaže u sagledavanju sadašnje situacije u povijesnom kontekstu i pruža mogući odgovor kako sačuvati nacionalne države i demokraciju u njima propitivanjem načela ljudskih prava koja je iznjedrila Francuska revolucija, a koja su dovedena u pitanje pojavom izbjegličkog vala s Bliskog istoka u Europu. ; The paper explains the implications of the European refugee crisis for the functioning of the EU and democracy within Europe, with reference to Hannah Arendt's theory on refugees and human rights. The paper examines critically the handling of the refugee crisis by the European Commission and its attitude towards EU Member States, which compromises the actual functioning of theEU and democracy in Europe. Arendt's theory helps us understand better the present situation, taking into account the historical context. Her theory on human rights, born of the French Revolution provides a possible answer regarding how to preserve European nation states and democracy in Europe, notions that have been challenged seriously by the waves of refugees from the Middle East, and ultimately by the European Union itself.

Članak nastoji prikazati polazišta za tumačenje transformacije humanitarnog rada i oprimjeriti prakse koje upućuju na njegovu profesionalizaciju i izgradnju bliskog odnosa s područjem političkog djelovanja. Zasnovan kao filantropijski projekt i imperativ o spašavanju života i/ili reduciranju patnje, u posljednjih nekoliko desetljeća humanitarizam je formalizirao koncept pružanja pomoći i počeo se manifestirati u aspektima tipičnima za poslovnu i korporacijsku kulturu. Prakse profesionalizacije i odnos između dva pojma koji ostavljaju dojam suprotstavljenih varijanti shvaćanja humanitarnog rada – pomoć i posao – problematiziraju se na osnovi etnografije rada i analize intervjua provedenih s humanitarnim radnicima iz izbjegličkog kampa u Slavonskom Brodu. ; This paper will present the starting points for the interpretation of the transformation of humanitarian work, along with providing examples indicative of its professionalisation and the close relationship it has developed with the domain of political activity. Originally conceived as a philanthropic project and based around the imperative of saving lives and/or reducing suffering, humanitarianism has formalised the concept of providing aid in the past few decades and has begun to manifest aspects typical of corporate and business culture. The practice of professionalisation and the relationship between the two terms seemingly presenting contradictory attitudes towards humanitarian work – seeing it as either aid or business – are problematised on the basis of the ethnography of work and an analysis of the interviews conducted with humanitarian workers from the refugee camp in Slavonski Brod.

Članak problematizira demokratski karakter Države Izrael i uspoređuje ga sa stvarnim stanjem stvari. Proturječnost određenja Izraela kao "židovske i demokratske" države već je u samom začetku stvaranja prouzročila određene karakteristike koje su teško usporedive sa zapadnim liberalnim demokracijama. Izrael se takvim pokušava prikazati usprkos očiglednom nepovoljnom položaju arapske manjine koja danas čini približno 20 posto stanovništva. Taj se položaj izraelskih Arapa odražava ne samo na status manjine u Izraelu već i na geopolitičku situaciju na prostoru Izraela i Zapadne Obale. Status Palestinaca može se iščitati iz svakodnevne političke prakse, ali i iz temeljnih dokumenata i zakonodavstva Države Izrael. Segregacija stanovništva prema vjerskom određenju čini nevidljivi zid unutar samog izraelskog društva. ; The article deals with the declared democratic character of the State of Israel and compares it with the real state of affairs. The contradiction present in the definition of Israel as "Jewish and democratic" has from its very beginning created certain characteristics of the State that are hardly comparable with western liberal democracy. Israel is striving to present itself as such despite the obvious adverse position of the Arab minority, comprising around 20 per cent of the population. This position of the Israeli Arabs reflects itself not only on the status of the minority, but also on the entire geopolitical situation in Israel and the West Bank as well. The status of the Palestinians in Israel can be deducted from the everyday political practice as well as from the fundamental documents and legislation of the State of Israel. The segregation of population according to religion makes for an invisible wall within the Israeli society.

Using critical theory of media and technology as a theoretical framework, we describe the dialectical interrelation between (media) technology and democratic changes, where new media technology only paved the way to organization and exchange of information during 'Arab Spring', but was not its cause. 'Arab Spring' as the case in point proved a negative correlation between the level of communication technology (new media) and the intensity of protests, according to which a higher level of accessibility to new media led to a lower level of protests. Also, we observe an uneven impact of new media on democratic changes, i.e. internet social networks had a secondary role in creating media news, compared to satellite TV which at an early stage of 'Arab Spring' enabled the actors of online civil society to have an impact on state politics to a large extent. Arab new media cannot yet lead to democratic changes nor explain their causes, but merely alter patterns of mobilization and organization of social and political events. Adapted from the source document.

Polazeći od pretpostavke da je rješenje političkog, pravnog, kulturnog i društvenog položaja manjina u nekom društvu mjerilo demokratizacije i modernizacije tog društva, odnos prema migrantima mjerilo je stupnja svijesti o tome da poštivanje univerzalnih ljudskih prava, određenih u dokumentima UN-a, podrazumijeva i pravo migranata na razvoj i na to da ne žive u siromaštvu. Ženevska konvencija (1951.), koja se odnosi na status izbjeglica, izmijenjena Protokolom iz New Yorka (1967.), bila je osnova za razvoj zajedničke azilantske politike Europske unije. Od 1999. godine EU je počela stvarati tu politiku, što je rezultiralo Dublinskom regulativom (2013.). U 2015. godini više od milijun izbjeglica s Bliskog istoka i iz Sjeverne Afrike došlo je u Europu, iz dva razloga, prvo, da sačuvaju živote uslijed ratnih sukoba u svojim zemljama i drugo, da pronađu političku i ekonomsku sigurnost, prvenstveno u Njemačkoj i skandinavskim zemljama. Način na koji su države članice EU nastojale da europski odgovor na migrantsku krizu bude u skladu sa međunarodnim i pravom EU, posebno (ne)prihvaćanje sustava kvota – preraspodjele migranata u državama članicama, zatvaranje tzv. Balkanske rute, koja je izbjeglice vodila od Turske, preko Grčke, Makedonije i Srbije ka zemalja članicama EU, njihovo kolektivno vraćanje, zbog čega su balkanske zemlje u strahu da će postati tampon zona, a izbjeglice da će ostati blokirane na Balkanu, otvorio je pitanje poštivanja ljudskih prava i revizije azilantske politike EU. Zato se javila i potreba stvaranja novog područja međunarodne zaštite prava migranata, posebno prava na rad i razvoj, čime se bavi ovaj znanstveno-istraživački rad. ; Starting from the premise that the political, legal, cultural and social status of minorities may be used to measure the degree of democracy and modernization reached by a particular society, attitudes towards immigrants may be used to measure the degree of awareness indicating that respect for universal human rights recognized in relevant United Nations documents, including the right to development and living above the poverty. The Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (Geneva, 1951) and its Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees (New York, 1967) underpin the creation of a Common European Asylum System (CEAS). Since 1999, the EU has been working to create a CEAS, resulting in common rules laid down in the Dublin Regulation (2013). In 2015, more than a million refugees fled their Middle Eastern and North African homelands and came to Europe for two reasons. Firstly, they were literally running to save their lives, and secondly, they were fleeing in search for a secure livelihood and political stability (primarily, to Germany and the Scandinavian countries). The way in which EU Member States sought to ensure compliance with international and EU legislation in their response to the refugee crisis, in particular by: (not)accepting the proposed quota system – distribution of migrants across EU member states, closing the gates along the so-called Western Balkan Route, the main transit route for migrants heading towards EU member states from Turkey, via Greece, Macedonia and Serbia, and their collective return, which caused Balkan countries fear of becoming buffer zone for refugees and the refugees fear of being trapped in the Balkans, raised the issue of human rights and revision of the European Asylum Policy. Therefore, there is a need to create a new segment of international protection of the rights of migrants, in particular the right to work and development, which is a subject that is dealt with in this research paper.