Suchergebnisse

This is qualitative research that aims to describe the suitability of teaching Arabic books (class I and IV) in MI using KTSP curriculum with Content and Competency Standards set government policy, and a description of the book to teach Arabic MI is needed to cope with the new curriculum in 2013. The method used is a qualitative method, using content analysis of BSNP (National Education Standards Agency) and needs analysis. Suitability of the Arabic book by SK KD government set on average for class I applied sufficiently and still need to be further improved. As for class IV, SK KD can be applied with good and balanced, but to listening competencies, especially in the identification of letters hijaiyah not get enough servings. There are two possible models that can be created for teach book in the coming school year, the first is a thematic integrative book of PAI MI according to the new curriculum in 2013, or second is a Arabic books MI generally for the new school year.

Produk kemasan termasuk makanan Arab beredar di Indonesia dibuat dalam tiga konteks utama: pertama, munculnya strategi neo-liberal di daerah pasar bebas (pada tingkat ekonomi), dan munculnya gerakan-gerakan Islam fundamentalis di agama tingkat agama, kedua, pelaksanaan sertifikasi halal pada setiap produk pangan oleh MUI, ketiga, Arab memiliki posisi strategis di komunitas Muslim Indonesia. Studi ini berisi studi semiotik komunikasi dengan bentuk lain dari teks dan wacana dan simbol bahasa di produk makanan kemasan termasuk bahasa Arab yang beredar di Indonesia. penelitian ini tidak hanya mengungkap makna denotatif dan konotatif sebagai menandatangani, tetapi juga ideologi di balik itu. Penelitian ini penting untuk lakukan karena bahasa, termasuk iklan dan produk kemasan, sarat dengan kekuasaan karena dalam dirinya sendiri, appeares sebagai wakil dari dan ruang untuk pertunjukan (deployment) berbagai kekuasaan. Penelitian ini berhasil mengangkat cadar (sosial, budaya, politik, ekonomi, agama, dan lain-lain), bahkan dalam bentuknya yang paling halus dan tidak sadar karena bersifat alami dan wajar.

The refugee crisis is a global problem that needs serious attention. Responsibility-sharing is a core tenet of international responses to refugee crises. However, global governance, within the framework of the global refugee regime, is often practically ineffective to respond such problems. In this aspect, conceptual evaluation and reform are needed. In this particular momentum, civil society groups are able to be involved, in both performance evaluation and framework formulation related to global governance on refugees. One of the formal form of civil society is a non-governmental organization (NGO). Amnesty International is one of the NGOs involved in the process of evaluating and reforming global governance on refugees. This article aims to find out the form of Amnesty International's involvement in global governance on refugees. This study used descriptive-qualitative method. The findings in this article are that Amnesty International has a direct involvement in order to evaluate and to reform the global governance framework related to refugees through the 2016 UN High Summit for Refugee and Migrant. This involvement was demonstrated through performance evaluations and proposals for more genuine responsibility-sharing, both at the conceptual and technical level. Amnesty International in this involvement pursued an agenda that has two dimensions, namely: the dimension of institutional evolution and the agenda dimension.

This research analyzes international refugees' presence in Indonesia, which gives local challenges for the Indonesian subnational Government as a transit location. This research uses a paradiplomacy perspective to analyze the West Jakarta Government's response to the foreign refugees in its territory. West Jakarta is one of the Administrative Cities in the Special Capital Region of Jakarta. This research uses a qualitative research method. The research data sources were collected and analyzed from literature studies, current news, and socio-political theories. This research found that West Jakarta Government's paradiplomacy occurs due to differences in regulations applies. Moreover, this process can be parallel alongside the Central Government (Indonesian Government) in handling refugees in their territory following a local-regional wisdom approach. The West Jakarta Government's paradiplomacy carried out by coordinating the distribution of aid to refugees, working with stakeholders in handling international and national refugee issues, and managing refugee handling policies in transit locations where refugees live, especially in Kalideres, West Jakarta, Indonesia. These handling efforts aim to prevent horizontal conflicts between refugees and local people and achieve subnational interests in the form of support materially, financially, and politically. ; Penelitian ini menganalisis keberadaan pengungsi internasional di Indonesia yang memberikan tantangan lokal bagi Pemerintah subnasional Indonesia sebagai lokasi transit. Penelitian ini menggunakan perspektif paradiplomasi untuk menganalisis respon Pemerintah Jakarta Barat terhadap pengungsi asing di wilayahnya. Jakarta Barat merupakan salah satu Kota Administratif di Daerah Khusus Ibukota (DKI) Jakarta. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif. Sumber data penelitian dikumpulkan dan dianalisis dari studi literatur, berita terkini, dan teori-teori sosial politik. Hasil penelitian menemukan bahwa paradiplomasi Pemerintah Jakarta Barat terjadi karena adanya perbedaan regulasi yang berlaku. Apalagi, proses ini bisa paralel dengan Pemerintah Pusat (Pemerintah Indonesia) dalam menangani pengungsi di wilayahnya dengan pendekatan kearifan lokal-regional. Paradiplomasi Pemerintah Jakarta Barat dilakukan dengan mengkoordinasikan penyaluran bantuan kepada pengungsi, bekerja sama dengan pemangku kepentingan (stakeholders) dalam penanganan permasalahan pengungsi internasional dan nasional, serta mengelola kebijakan penanganan pengungsi di lokasi transit tempat tinggal pengungsi, khususnya di Kalideres, Jakarta Barat. Upaya penanganan ini bertujuan untuk mencegah konflik horizontal antara pengungsi dan masyarakat lokal serta mencapai kepentingan subnasional dalam bentuk dukungan material, finansial, dan politik.

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengungkap keterkaitan demokrasi dengan kekuasaan adat dalam menangani eks pengungsi Timor-Leste di Kabupaten Belu, Provinsi Nusa Tenggara Timur, Indonesia, terkait dengan praktik demokrasi. Lebih spesifiknya, demokrasi dibatasi pada konteks potensi eksklusi akses Dana Desa bagi penduduk baru. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dan studi kasus untuk mengungkap praktik demokrasi terkait implementasi Dana Desa yang terjalin erat dengan budaya lokal. Subjek dalam penelitian ini adalah penduduk baru di Desa Fatuba'a yang secara geografis berdekatan dengan perbatasan antara Indonesia dan Timor-Leste. Hampir separuh dari penduduk Fatuba'a adalah penduduk baru eks pengungsi Timor-Leste. Banyaknya penduduk baru telah menjadi masalah sosial yang kompleks bagi Desa Fatuba'a. Teknik pengumpulan data meliputi observasi, wawancara mendalam, dan diskusi kelompok terfokus. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa lembaga adat memiliki peran yang signifikan dalam mendistribusikan kekuasaan baik dalam aspek pemerintahan maupun pembangunan desa, termasuk dalam penyaluran penggunaan dana desa. Suku Liudasik merupakan suku dominan yang berhasil mendapatkan legitimasi penduduk baru dengan memberikan tanah ulayat sebagai tempat tinggal dan bercocok tanam atas kontribusi mereka untuk memilih kepala desa dari suku Liudasik. Dalam konteks Dana Desa, penggunaannya juga menunjukkan adanya saling ketergantungan antara penghuni baru dengan suku Liudasik. Dengan demikian, penduduk baru memiliki akses ke dana desa. Tidak ada eksklusi terhadap penduduk baru untuk penggunaan Dana Desa Fatuba'a. Ketergantungan penduduk baru pada lembaga adat telah melanggengkan kekuasaan adat suku Liudasik. ; This research aims to reveal the relations between democracy and customary power in handling the East Timorese ex-refugees in Belu Regency, East Nusa Tenggara Province, Indonesia, related to democratic practices More specifically, democracy is limited to the context of potential exclusion access of the Village Fund for new residents. This research used a qualitative and case studies approach to reveal democratic practices related to the implementation of Village Funds that are intertwined with the local culture. The subjects in this research were new residents in Fatuba'a Village which is geographically close to the cross-border between Indonesia and East Timor. Nearly half of Fatuba'a's populations are new residents who are East Timorese ex-refugees. A large number of new residents have become a complex social problem for Fatuba'a Village. The data collection techniques consist of observation, in-depth interviews, and focus group discussions. The results showed that customary institutions play a significant role in distributing power both in aspects of government and village development, including the distribution of village funds-use. The Liudasik tribe is a successful dominant tribe obtaining legitimacy of the new residents by granting customary land as a place to live and farming for their contribution to elect the village head from the Liudasik tribe. In the context of the Village Fund, its use also shows the interdependence between new residents and the Liudasik tribe. Consequently, the new residents have an access to village funds. There is no exclusion of new residents for the Fatuba'a's Village Fund-use. The dependence of new residents on customary institutions has perpetuated the customary power of the Liudasik tribe.

Hungary has become a party to the 1951 Convention and 1967 Protocol on Refugees which requires it to adhere to the principle of non-refoulment towards refugees and migrants from the Middle East who came to the country in 2015. However, in reality Hungary has implemented a policy of detaining and returning refugees even by repressive means. This policy also clearly contradicts the principle of protection against refugees and the policies of the European Union (EU) in which Hungary is a member. The policies taken by Hungary cannot be separated from domestic factors that influence the choice of the Hungarian government to take policies that are contrary to the binding Convention and EU policy. Therefore, this paper seeks to answer what domestic factors influenced Hungary's policies towards refugees and migrants from the Middle East in the 2015-2019 period. This paper uses qualitative methods with data sources obtained from literature studies on various aspects of Hungarian domestic politics. The argument in this study is that Hungarian policy towards refugees and migrants is influenced by domestic factors related to elite interests as a strategy to win political battles in the country related to Viktor Orban's ideas of national identity as the Prime Minister of Hungary as well as leader of the ruling party Fidesz, the dynamics of Hungarian domestic politics. and the strengthening of right-wing populism advocated by Fidesz's party. ; Hungary has become a party to the 1951 Convention and 1967 Protocol on Refugees which requires it to adhere to the principle of non-refoulment towards refugees and migrants from the Middle East who came to the country in 2015. However, in reality Hungary has implemented a policy of detaining and returning refugees even by repressive means. This policy also clearly contradicts the principle of protection against refugees and the policies of the European Union (EU) in which Hungary is a member. The policies taken by Hungary cannot be separated from domestic factors that influence the choice of the Hungarian government to take policies that are contrary to the binding Convention and EU policy. Therefore, this paper seeks to answer what domestic factors influenced Hungary's policies towards refugees and migrants from the Middle East in the 2015-2019 period. This paper uses qualitative methods with data sources obtained from literature studies on various aspects of Hungarian domestic politics. The argument in this study is that Hungarian policy towards refugees and migrants is influenced by domestic factors related to elite interests as a strategy to win political battles in the country related to Viktor Orban's ideas of national identity as the Prime Minister of Hungary as well as leader of the ruling party Fidesz, the dynamics of Hungarian domestic politics. and the strengthening of right-wing populism advocated by Fidesz's party.

Abstract: The tradition of pre-Islamic Arabian society known as the position of women as imperior. Prophet as a feminist fight for equality derarat (egalitarian) between men and women. The struggle of the Prophet raise the dignity of women is very opposite to trasidi Arab society. Many traditions and fi'li qauli recommending that treat women well. Even at the time of the Prophet women taking a role in the public sphere-sphere were previously considered taboo for women. As in politics known Aisha, Umm Salama, Safia Bint Abdul Muttalib and others, in the field of education known in economics Aisha and Khadija bint Khuwalid known. Abstrak : Tradisi masyarakat Arab pra-Islam yang dikenal sebagai posisi perempuan sebagai imperior. Nabi sebagai pertarungan feminis untuk kesetaraan derarat (egaliter) antara laki-laki dan perempuan. Perjuangan Nabi mengangkat harkat dan martabat wanita sangat berlawanan dengan trasidi masyarakat Arab. Banyak tradisi dan qauli fi'li merekomendasikan bahwa memperlakukan wanita dengan baik. Bahkan pada saat perempuan Nabi mengambil peran dalam masyarakat lingkup-lingkup yang sebelumnya dianggap tabu bagi perempuan. Seperti dalam politik dikenal Aisha, Ummu Salamah, Safia Binti Abdul Muthalib dan lain-lain, di bidang pendidikan yang dikenal dalam ilmu ekonomi Aisha dan Khadijah binti Khuwalid dikenal.

This research will examine the double standards of US foreign policy against the coup in Egypt in 2013, given that the US intervention against the Middle East region is very dominant. Attention and the US response be different in response to the case of the coup in Egypt. US seemed to not make this case as a priority despite the coup led to the violation of human rights and democracy. The response shown by the US is very different compared to the US intervention against Iraq and Libya are rated US itself as defending human rights and democracy in the region. The purpose of this research is to find out why the US double standards in its foreign policy related to the Egyptian coup. Data will be explored through literature method (library research). Overall the data will be correlated with foreign political theory of rational actor models that can explain the reason for choosing the attitude of the US double standard in a coup in Egypt in 2013 based on the selection and cost-benefit considerations on the measures taken. The results of this paper indicate that the indication of the double standards shown by the US to Egypt coup influenced by the victory of the Muslim Brotherhood (IM) as a political Islam that could interfere with the stability and US interests in the Middle East. Some of the options and the consequences have been considered by the US in response to the case, including participating ignoring their violations of democracy and human rights in the case even though it was contrary to the foundations and principles of US foreign policy. Another indication that support multiple standards is the response of US allies in the Middle East, such as Israel, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates who consider IM as a threat to the stability and the Middle East region. Keywords: US double standards, US foreign policy, coup Egypt, political Islam, Muslim Brotherhood Penelitian ini akan mengkaji standar ganda politik luar negeri Amerika Serikat terhadap kudeta di Mesir tahun 2013, mengingat bahwa intervensi AS terhadap kawasan Timur Tengah sangat dominan. Perhatian dan respon AS terlihat berbeda dalam menanggapi kasus kudeta di Mesir. AS seolah tidak membuat kasus ini sebagai prioritas walaupun kudeta tersebut berujung pada pelanggaran HAM dan demokrasi. Respon yang diperlihatkan oleh AS sangat berbeda jika dibandingkan dengan intervensi AS terhadap Irak dan Libya yang dinilai AS sendiri sebagai upaya penegakan HAM dan demokrasi di kawasan tersebut. Tujuan dari penelitian ini ialah untuk mencari tahu mengapa AS bersikap standar ganda dalam politik luar negerinya terkait dengan kudeta Mesir. Data akan ditelaah melalui metode kepustakaan. Keseluruhan data akan dikorelasikan dengan teori politik luar negeri model aktor rasional yang dapat memaparkan alasan AS untuk memilih sikap standar ganda dalam kudeta Mesir 2013 berdasarkan pemilihan dan pertimbangan untung-rugi atas tindakan yang telah diambil. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa indikasi standar ganda yang diperlihatkan oleh AS terhadap kudeta Mesir dipengaruhi oleh kemenangan Ikhwanul Muslimin (IM) sebagai political Islamyang dapat mengganggu stabilitas dan kepentingan AS di Timur Tengah. Beberapa pilihan dan konsekuensi telah dipertimbangkan oleh AS dalam merespon kasus ini, termasuk ikut mengabaikan adanya pelanggaran demokrasi dan HAM dalam kasus tersebut walaupun hal tersebut bertentangan dengan landasan dan prinsip politik luar negeri AS. Indikasi lain yang mendukung standar ganda ialah respon sekutu AS di Timur Tengah, seperti: Israel, Arab Saudi, dan Uni Emirat Arab yang menganggap IM sebagai ancaman bagi stabilitas dan kawasan Timur Tengah. Kata kunci: standar ganda AS, politik luar negeri AS, kudeta Mesir, politik Islam, Ikhwanul Muslimin

The Gulf coalition country led by Saudi Arabia simultaneously severed its diplomatic relations with Qatar in early June 2017. This action was motivated by Saudi Arabia's accusations of Qatar's proximity to several Islamic opposition organizations such as the Muslim Brotherhood and Hamas and its bilateral tendencies with Iran. This resentment continued with the launching of a land, sea and air blockade against Qatar's territory. Qatar dismissed the accusations and saw the Arab coalition's actions as an intervention against its foreign policy. In addition, Turkey as an ally of Qatar initially responded to the diplomatic crisis in a neutral manner and put forward mediation efforts. However, these efforts failed due to sabotage by the Gulf coalition. Turkey later denounced the blockade and immediately signed a military agreement to speed up the deployment of troops to Qatar. This article aims to analyze the reasons for Turkey's shift from initially neutral to pro-Qatar by strengthening its bilateral relations with Qatar through a series of help.

This paper discusses the concept of majlis shura according to Khairuddin's thought. He is a military, bureaucrat, and is well known for his social and political progress in Tunisia and as one of the most important intellectuals in the discourse of contemporary Arab thought. His famous book is Aqwam al-Masalik fi Ma'rifat Ahwal al-Mamalik. The discussion of the concept of majlis shura developed by Khairuddin in this paper refers to that book. Finally, this paper finds thatmajlis shura according to Khairuddin's thought is based on the premise that unlimited power tends to be abused although it is undeniable that there is an absolute ruler doing good for the country and his/her people. In addition, for Khairuddin, unlimited power also can not be used as a reference or rules in the implementation of good governance. Thus, according to Khairuddin the power of government should be limited. The restriction must be done in the way of the division of powers, one of which is by majlis shura. Because one of the authority of this majlis shura is to give attitude and response to all problems of the people as well as possible so that the government's decisions do not contradict the interests of the people, then this majlis shura ought to be based on several principles, among which are freedom, deliberation and balance. Key words: Khairuddin Al-Tunisi, and Majlis Shura

This article examines the history of the arrival of Islam into Indonesia. This research is library research using documentation method. The results of this study are: First, no one knows for sure when Islam began to appear in Indonesia. Several theorists and historians have different opinions and analyzes. However, there are at least four major theories regarding the entry of Islam into Indonesia, namely: Arabic theory, Gujarat theory (India), Bengali theory (Fatimi), and Persian theory. Second, the spread and process of Islamization in Indonesia itself was carried out peacefully. Indonesian people can accept the existence of Islam well. There are six channels of Islamization in Indonesia, namely: trade, marriage, Sufism, education, arts and culture, and politics. Third, the existence of Islamic kingdoms also had a big role in the spread and development of Islam in Indonesia. These Islamic kingdoms stretched from Sumatra to the Moluccas. Some of them are the Perlak Sultanate, Samudera Pasai Sultanate, Malacca Sultanate, Aceh Sultanate, Demak Sultanate, Pajang Sultanate, Mataram Sultanate, Cirebon Sultanate, Banten Sultanate, Sultanate of Ternate, Sultanate of Tidore, Sultanate of Gowa, Sultanate of Tallo, Sultanate of Pasir, Sultanate of Banjar, Kotawaringin Sultanate, Pagatan Sultanate, Sambas Sultanate, Kutai Kertanegara Sultanate, Berau Sultanate, Sambaliung Sultanate, Gunung Tabur Sultanate, Pontianak Sultanate, Tidung Sultanate, and Bulungan Sultanate. ; Artikel ini mengkaji tentang sejarah masuknya Islam ke Indonesia. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kepustakaan dengan menggunakan metode dokumentasi. Hasil penelitian ini adalah: Pertama, tidak ada yang tahu pasti kapan Islam mulai muncul di Indonesia. Beberapa ahli teori dan sejarawan memiliki pendapat dan analisis yang berbeda. Namun, setidaknya ada empat teori besar mengenai masuknya Islam ke Indonesia, yaitu: teori Arab, teori Gujarat (India), teori Bengali (Fatimi), dan teori Persia. Kedua, penyebaran dan proses Islamisasi di Indonesia sendiri ...

This study aims to determine and explore how Islam and Malay as an intertwined entity influence the formation of political institutions in the Sultanate of Palembang, especially influencing the appointment and succession of the Sultan. This study is the result of qualitative research based on a literature review using interpretive analysis techniques. In the practice of Islam in Indonesia, cultural values of non-Islamic religions are maintained and practiced by Islamic entities such as practices in the replacement of the King and Sultan. A theoretical approach to society by looking at the evolution of kings approached to explain the history of state administration and the transition of power, combined with Elite; Political Culture, and Cultural Politics. The results of this study found that the system of appointment and change of power in the Sultanate of Palembang, namely the existence of its characteristics associated with a blend of Malay and Javanese culture. Differences in political culture greatly influence the process of succession that occurs. Malay culture which emphasizes more on its economy in the maritime field and Arabic symbols will be different from Javanese culture which is more agrarian and syncretic. ; Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui dan mengeksplorasi bagaimana Islam dan Melayu sebagai entitas yang saling terkait mempengaruhi pembentukan lembaga-lembaga politik di Kesultanan Palembang, terutama yang mempengaruhi pengangkatan dan suksesi Sultan. Penelitian ini adalah hasil penelitian kualitatif berdasarkan tinjauan literatur menggunakan teknik analisis interpretatif. Dalam praktik Islam di Indonesia, nilai-nilai budaya agama-agama non-Islam dipertahankan dan dipraktikkan oleh entitas Islam seperti praktik-praktik pergantian Raja dan Sultan. Melalui pendekatan teoretis tentang masyarakat sosial dengan melihat evolusi raja-raja yang dijadikan pendekatan untuk menjelaskan sejarah ketatanegaraan dan peralihan kekuasaan, dipadukan dengan Elite; Political Culture, dan Cultural Politics. Hasil penelitian ini menemukan bahwa sistem pengangkatan dan pergantian kekuasaan di Kesultanan Palembang, yaitu adanya karakteristik yang terkait dengan perpaduan budaya Melayu dan Jawa. Perbedaan budaya politik sangat mempengaruhi proses suksesi yang terjadi. Budaya Melayu yang lebih menekankan pada perekonomian di bidang maritim dan simbol-simbol Arab akan berbeda dengan budaya Jawa yang lebih agraris dan sinkretis.