Suchergebnisse

S ciljem procjene adaptacijskih sposobnosti hrvatskih izbjeglica iz Baranje u Republici Mađarskoj, autori ovog rada psihijatrijskim su intervjuom po specifično pripremljenom upitniku za ovo istraživanje procjenjivali duševno stanje 100 izbjeglica u dobi od 10 do 82 godine. Prosječna starost izbjeglica bila je 38 godina. Procjenjivanje psihičkog stanja izbjeglica učinjeno je 6 tjedana nakon njihova dolaska u logor (socijalnu ustanovu) u jednom malom mjestu (Maria Gyud) u Mađarskoj. Autori nalaze da su izbjeglice napustile svoj dom i svoju Domovinu pred zatrašujućim neprijateljima, domaćim Srbima, koje identificiraju kao teroriste i pred srpskom vlasti potpomognutom Jugoslavenskom narodnom armijom. Napuštanje svojih domova i Domovine bilo je iznenadno, ali ipak svojom voljom. Odlazak je bio praćen strahom, tjeskobom, nevjericom, očajem, ljutnjom i rijetkim paničnim ponašanjem. Na prvom je mjestu bio strah za djecu, pa strah od mučenja i sakaćenja od strane terorista, dok su strahovi blažeg intenziteta bili za vlastiti život, rodbinu i imovinu. Dominantno osjećanje za vrijeme razgovora s izbjeglicama bilo je čežnja za domom i Domovinom i briga za budućnost. Ovo osjećanje je domininantno u 61% ispitanika. Emocionalne i psihosomatske smetnje je imalo 42% ispitanika, a grupiraju se oko Bardovog »neurasteničnog sindroma«. Samo 5% izbjeglica je zatražilo konkretnu psihijatrijsku pomoć, i to onih koji su i prije izbjeglištva imali psihičkih problema. Autori zaključuju da i nakon 6 tjedana boravka hrvatske izbjeglice iz Baranje u Republiku Mađarsku imaju adaptacijskih problema, a koji se manifestiraju emocionalnim i psihosomatskim reakcijama, pa preporučuju sistematsku domovinsku stručnu i laičku psihološku pomoć i podršku. ; Psychological state of a group of 100 refugees aged 10-82 yrs (mean, 38 yrs) was assessed by a psychiatric interview vising a questionnaire designed especially for this study. The aim of the study was to evaluate the adaptative capacities of Croatian refugees from Baranya temporarily accommodated in the Republic of Hungary. The interview was conducted 6 weeks after their arrival in the camp (a social care institution) in Maria Gyud, a small town in Hungary. The refugees were found to have fled their homes and Homeland in fear from cruel enemies, i.e. local Serbs whom they identified as terorists, and the Serbian governmental authorities backed up by the Yugoslav Federal Army. The refugees had to leave their homes and Homeland suddenly, but still of their own free will. The departure from home was accompanied by fear, anxiety, disbelief, despair, anger, and panic. First of all, they feared for their children, which was followed by fear from torture and mutilation by terrorists, whereas fears for their own life, relatives and properties were less pronounced. During the interview, homesickness and concern about the future pre dominated in 61% of subjects. Emotional and psychic disturbances, clustered around Beard's »neurasthenic syndrome«, were recorded in 42% of subjects. Actual psychiatric aid was sought by 5% of the refugees, mostly by those who had had some psyhic problems before this forcible displacement. The Croatian refugees from Baranya were found to experience adaptive problems manifesting as emotional and psychosomatic reactions, even after 6 weeks of their stay in Hungary. Provision of a systematic profesional and lay psychologic assistance and support from their Homeland is advised.

In Macedonian culture and remembrance, the children evacuated from northern Greek villages in 1948 by communist activists during the Greek Civil War and sent to socialist states in the Balkans and in Eastern Europe are known as "child refugees from the Aegean part of Macedonia." Such narratives, as part of a contested past, play an important part in the national politics of memory, usually as a tool utilized in the master narratives, but are not theoretically analyzed any further and lack further epistemic and educational presence in the historical curriculum. Thus, I am interested in the position of these oral testimonies in the politics of memory and their potential to challenge the politics of memory. ; U makedonskoj kulturi i sjećanju, djeca koju su 1948. za vrijeme Grčkog građanskog rata komunisti evakuirali iz sela na sjeveru Grčke i poslali u socijalističke države na Balkanu i u Istočnoj Europi danas su poznata kao "djeca izbjeglice iz egejskog dijela Makedonije". Takvi narativi, kao dio sporne povijesti, igraju bitnu ulogu u nacionalnoj politici sjećanja, obično kao sredstvo koje se koristi za izgradnju metanarativa, ali ih se dalje od toga teoretski ne analizira niti oni drže epistemičko i edukacijsko mjesto u povijesnom kurikulumu. Stoga, zainteresirana sam za poziciju tih oralnih svjedočanstava u politici sjećanja i njihov potencijal da ospore politiku sjećanja.

Rad se bavi propitivanjem implikacija izbjegličke krize koja je zahvatila Europsku uniju na demokraciju u Europi i funkcioniranje Europske unije na osnovi usporedbe s teorijom Hannah Arendt o izbjeglicama i ljudskim pravima. Rad se kritički odnosi prema djelovanju Europske unije, posebice Europske komisije, naspram njezinih članica po pitanju rješavanja izbjegličke krize čime se dovodi u pitanje održanje same Europske unije i demokracije na razini Europe. Teorija Hannah Arendt pomaže u sagledavanju sadašnje situacije u povijesnom kontekstu i pruža mogući odgovor kako sačuvati nacionalne države i demokraciju u njima propitivanjem načela ljudskih prava koja je iznjedrila Francuska revolucija, a koja su dovedena u pitanje pojavom izbjegličkog vala s Bliskog istoka u Europu. ; The paper explains the implications of the European refugee crisis for the functioning of the EU and democracy within Europe, with reference to Hannah Arendt's theory on refugees and human rights. The paper examines critically the handling of the refugee crisis by the European Commission and its attitude towards EU Member States, which compromises the actual functioning of theEU and democracy in Europe. Arendt's theory helps us understand better the present situation, taking into account the historical context. Her theory on human rights, born of the French Revolution provides a possible answer regarding how to preserve European nation states and democracy in Europe, notions that have been challenged seriously by the waves of refugees from the Middle East, and ultimately by the European Union itself.

Članak nastoji prikazati polazišta za tumačenje transformacije humanitarnog rada i oprimjeriti prakse koje upućuju na njegovu profesionalizaciju i izgradnju bliskog odnosa s područjem političkog djelovanja. Zasnovan kao filantropijski projekt i imperativ o spašavanju života i/ili reduciranju patnje, u posljednjih nekoliko desetljeća humanitarizam je formalizirao koncept pružanja pomoći i počeo se manifestirati u aspektima tipičnima za poslovnu i korporacijsku kulturu. Prakse profesionalizacije i odnos između dva pojma koji ostavljaju dojam suprotstavljenih varijanti shvaćanja humanitarnog rada – pomoć i posao – problematiziraju se na osnovi etnografije rada i analize intervjua provedenih s humanitarnim radnicima iz izbjegličkog kampa u Slavonskom Brodu. ; This paper will present the starting points for the interpretation of the transformation of humanitarian work, along with providing examples indicative of its professionalisation and the close relationship it has developed with the domain of political activity. Originally conceived as a philanthropic project and based around the imperative of saving lives and/or reducing suffering, humanitarianism has formalised the concept of providing aid in the past few decades and has begun to manifest aspects typical of corporate and business culture. The practice of professionalisation and the relationship between the two terms seemingly presenting contradictory attitudes towards humanitarian work – seeing it as either aid or business – are problematised on the basis of the ethnography of work and an analysis of the interviews conducted with humanitarian workers from the refugee camp in Slavonski Brod.

Polazeći od pretpostavke da je rješenje političkog, pravnog, kulturnog i društvenog položaja manjina u nekom društvu mjerilo demokratizacije i modernizacije tog društva, odnos prema migrantima mjerilo je stupnja svijesti o tome da poštivanje univerzalnih ljudskih prava, određenih u dokumentima UN-a, podrazumijeva i pravo migranata na razvoj i na to da ne žive u siromaštvu. Ženevska konvencija (1951.), koja se odnosi na status izbjeglica, izmijenjena Protokolom iz New Yorka (1967.), bila je osnova za razvoj zajedničke azilantske politike Europske unije. Od 1999. godine EU je počela stvarati tu politiku, što je rezultiralo Dublinskom regulativom (2013.). U 2015. godini više od milijun izbjeglica s Bliskog istoka i iz Sjeverne Afrike došlo je u Europu, iz dva razloga, prvo, da sačuvaju živote uslijed ratnih sukoba u svojim zemljama i drugo, da pronađu političku i ekonomsku sigurnost, prvenstveno u Njemačkoj i skandinavskim zemljama. Način na koji su države članice EU nastojale da europski odgovor na migrantsku krizu bude u skladu sa međunarodnim i pravom EU, posebno (ne)prihvaćanje sustava kvota – preraspodjele migranata u državama članicama, zatvaranje tzv. Balkanske rute, koja je izbjeglice vodila od Turske, preko Grčke, Makedonije i Srbije ka zemalja članicama EU, njihovo kolektivno vraćanje, zbog čega su balkanske zemlje u strahu da će postati tampon zona, a izbjeglice da će ostati blokirane na Balkanu, otvorio je pitanje poštivanja ljudskih prava i revizije azilantske politike EU. Zato se javila i potreba stvaranja novog područja međunarodne zaštite prava migranata, posebno prava na rad i razvoj, čime se bavi ovaj znanstveno-istraživački rad. ; Starting from the premise that the political, legal, cultural and social status of minorities may be used to measure the degree of democracy and modernization reached by a particular society, attitudes towards immigrants may be used to measure the degree of awareness indicating that respect for universal human rights recognized in relevant United Nations documents, including the right to development and living above the poverty. The Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (Geneva, 1951) and its Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees (New York, 1967) underpin the creation of a Common European Asylum System (CEAS). Since 1999, the EU has been working to create a CEAS, resulting in common rules laid down in the Dublin Regulation (2013). In 2015, more than a million refugees fled their Middle Eastern and North African homelands and came to Europe for two reasons. Firstly, they were literally running to save their lives, and secondly, they were fleeing in search for a secure livelihood and political stability (primarily, to Germany and the Scandinavian countries). The way in which EU Member States sought to ensure compliance with international and EU legislation in their response to the refugee crisis, in particular by: (not)accepting the proposed quota system – distribution of migrants across EU member states, closing the gates along the so-called Western Balkan Route, the main transit route for migrants heading towards EU member states from Turkey, via Greece, Macedonia and Serbia, and their collective return, which caused Balkan countries fear of becoming buffer zone for refugees and the refugees fear of being trapped in the Balkans, raised the issue of human rights and revision of the European Asylum Policy. Therefore, there is a need to create a new segment of international protection of the rights of migrants, in particular the right to work and development, which is a subject that is dealt with in this research paper.

Autor u tekstu analizira utjecaj migracijske krize na Europsku uniju kroz sigurnosnu i politološku dimenziju, te recepciju tog diskursa kod političkih elita i građana. Pritom posebno naglašava humanitarnu, ali i sigurnosnu dimenziju percepcije imigranata, izbjeglica i tražitelja azila kao nekih novih "umjetnih" manjina u Europskoj uniji. S druge strane, takvi procesi sve se više izražavaju kao prijetnja sigurnosti oličena u povećanju ksenofobije i razisma, dok pojedine političke elite u Uniji imigrante percipiraju kroz prizmu "antigrađana". Nadalje, u tekstu se analizira proces sekuritizacije identiteta izbjeglica, koji se kroz govorni akt u pojedinim zemljama članicama EU karakteriziraju kao prvenstveno sigurnosna ugroza, što za posljedicu ima povećanje nasilja nad manjinama i negativno se reflektira na unutarnju koheziju Europske unije te njezinu sposobnost da upravlja migracijskom krizom. Na kraju, polazeći od određenih teorijskih i empirijskih postavki, autor želi ponuditi sveobuhvatan pregled migracijske krize na europskom tlu u cilju smanjenja negativne reverzibilnosti na ostvarivanje prava manjina u Europskoj uniji. ; In this article author is analyzing influence of migration crisis on the European Union through security and political dimension, and reception of these discourses among political elite and citizens. Author's special attention is on humanitarian, but also on security dimension of perception of immigrants, refugees and asylum seekers as "new" artificial minorities in the European Union. On other hand, such processes are increasingly being portrayed as a security threat, embodied in the increase of xenophobia and racism, whereby some political elites in the EU perceive immigrants as "anti-citizens". Author also analyzes the securitization of refugees' identity, which is being presented (through the speech acts) as the security threat in some EU member states. The consequence of such developments is the increase of violence against minorities and the negative impact on the inner cohesion within the EU, as well as its capacities to manage the migration crisis. Finally, starting from theoretical and empirical assumptions, the author offers a comprehensive review of the European migration crisis in order to reduce the negative reversibility on achieving minority rights in the EU.

Results from this study show that the slowest to move back into their pre-war homes have been the Serbians. More than 70% of the citizens of B&H are ready to return to their homes. Concerning human rights, more than half of the population believes that basic human rights are not respected in B&H. The author claims that the war has triggered major demographic population shifts & led to a dramatic decline in basic civil & human rights. However, the results of the study give rise to some optimism since it has shown that only a tiny percentage of people do not accept B&H as their common state. 9 References. Adapted from the source document.

Results from this study show that the slowest to move back into their pre-war homes have been the Serbians. More than 70% of the citizens of B&H are ready to return to their homes. Concerning human rights, more than half of the population believes that basic human rights are not respected in B&H. The author claims that the war has triggered major demographic population shifts & led to a dramatic decline in basic civil & human rights. However, the results of the study give rise to some optimism since it has shown that only a tiny percentage of people do not accept B&H as their common state. 9 References. Adapted from the source document.

The weight of religious adages such as "thou shall not hate" & "love your enemies" in the Croatian patriotic war is analyzed. The author concludes that their influence was manifested in a lower combat readiness, in a willingness to sign peace agreements subject to change at the expense of Croatian interests, in a proclivity for releasing enemy prisoners, in the bigger Croatian body count because enemy soldiers were medically treated as well, & in an increased propensity for accepting refugees & displaced persons. These norms also curbed the number of massacres. The author's conclusion is that there is a substantial danger that the emotions triggered by the enemy's brutality will be vented in uncontrollable outbursts of hate. 5 References. Adapted from the source document.