Suchergebnisse

Book reviewed in this article:Foner, N. (Ed.) New Immigrants in New York.Elschenbroich, D. (Ed.) Einwanderung, Integration, ethnische Bindung.Ben Jelloun, T. Die tiefste der Einsamkeiten.Morokvasic, M. Jugoslawische Frauen. Die Emigration und danach.Imperialismus und Ausländerfeindlichkeit.De Vries, M. Ogen in je rug. Turkse meisjes en jonge vrouwen in Nederland.Zucker, N. L. and N. F. Zucker The Guarded Gate. The Reality of American Refugee Policy.Chan, K. B. and D. M. Indra (Eds.) Uprooting, Loss and Adaptation. The Resettlement of Indochinese Refugees in Canada.Penninx, R. Minderheidsvorming en emancipatie. Balans van Kennisverwerving ten aanzien van immigranten en woonwagen‐bewoners.

In this article difficulties experienced over the past six years in providing health care to Southeast Asian refugees are described. The need to involve patients in the planning process, particularly when dealing with patients who come from markedly different cultures, is discussed. The role of the bilingual interpreter is emphasized, and potential conflicts that may be encountered by them are highlighted. Shortcomings of the health care program and alternative approaches that might have resulted in better acceptance of Western health care by the refugees are detailed.

Comments regarding a film to show Communism's failure by depicting the wave of refugees leaving Communist states. An art film with a purpose and without narrative is suggested. Though not interested in doing it, BH adds his reasons for believing a film focusing on Tibetan refugees (with a reference to the title Man from a Missing Country) should be made, "complimenting the Indian government." ; Scanned from original text or image using a Canon Expression 10000XL scanner. Optimized in Adobe Acrobat 9 Pro and saved in .pdf format.

Aliens — Expulsion of — Status of refugees — Convention on the Status of Refugees, July 28, 1951 — Status of "homeless aliens" within meaning of German Law of April 25, 1951 — Illegal entry of alien from Belgium into Germany — Establishment of residence in Germany — Conviction for criminal offences — Order for expulsion — Whether expulsion permissible on ground of illegal entry — Whether expulsion permissible on ground of entry from country where alien not liable to persecution — Interpretation of words "national security and public order" — The law of Germany.

Exposing the ideological conflicts involved in the creation of a common European Asylum Policy, this article calls for an extension of classic integration theories to look beyond whether crises result in 'more' or 'less' Europe and to address the substance of European integration. Drawing on actorcentered institutionalism and organizational sociology, the 'refugee crisis' is interpreted as a manifestation of the growing mismatch between the EU's normative striving towards a 'Union of values' and the political and institutional limits imposed. The result is organized hypocrisy: the concurrent reinforcement of protective claims and protectionist policies.

Com base nas principais contribuições da teoria política normativa sobre justiça global e ética da migração, o presente artigo avalia os pactos globais sobre refugiados e migração, aprovados pela Assembleia Geral das Nações Unidas em dezembro de 2018. O conjunto de conclusões indica que os pactos constituem um avanço importante em projetos e compromissos morais e políticos globais, porém a operação dos seus termos previstos pode trazer e manter problemas, distorções e impasses no compartilhamento de responsabilidades. ; Con base en los principales aportes de la teoría política normativa sobre justicia global y ética migratoria, este artículo evalúa los Pactos globales sobre refugiados y migración, aprobados por la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas en diciembre de 2018. El conjunto de conclusiones indica que los Pactos constituyen un importante avance en los proyectos y compromisos morales y políticos globales. Sin embargo, la aplicación de lostérminos previstos puede generar problemas, distorsiones y estancamientos en el reparto de responsabilidades. ; Based on the main contributions of normative political theory on global justice and migration ethics, this article assesses the global Compacts on refugees and migration, approved by the United Nations General Assembly in December 2018. The set of conclusions indicates that the Compacts constitute an important advance in global moral and political projects and commitments. However, the application of their predicted terms can bring about problems, distortions, and impasses in the sharing of responsibilities.

In this intervention I make two main suggestions to humanize refugee research.First, the tendency to select "research hotspots" as field sites—where researchers tend to approach the same interviewees and spaces—should not only be called out and avoided, but battled against. Second, I suggest that refugee research should collaborate directly with other studies of social, political, and economic phenomena in an effort to not make displacement the sine qua non condition for doing research but, instead, only one of the many conditions a human being can inhabit within receiving societies. Pursuing this aim will be easier when studies on forced migration do not become compartmentalized and develop in isolation from other disciplines and research groups. ; Dans cette intervention, je fais deux suggestions principales pour humaniser la recherche sur les réfugiés. Premièrement, la tendance à choisir des points comme terrains de recherche - où les chercheur.es approchent souvent les mêmes répondant.es et les mêmes espaces - doit être non seulement dénoncée et évitée, mais aussi combattue. Deuxièmement, je suggère que la recherche sur les réfugiés devrait s'effectuer en collaboration directe avec d'autres champs d'études portant sur des phénomènes sociaux, politiques et économiques afin d'éviter de faire du déplacement la condition sine qua non de la recherche, mais plutôt l'une des nombreuses conditions qu'un être humain peut vivre au sein des sociétés d'accueil. La poursuite de cet objectif sera plus facile si les études sur la migration forcée ne se compartimentent pas et ne se développent pas en vase clos par rapport aux autres disciplines et groupes de recherche.

Japan's approach to human security has commonly been regarded as progressive, imbued with liberal internationalist commitment. In this article, I offer an alternative and critical perspective on Japanese human security, arguing that the mainstream understanding neglects some important features of the phenomenon. I pay attention to the tight links between Japanese discourses and practices of international development and humanitarian assistance, refugee policy, counter-terrorism, and NGO regulation. So far, these issue areas have only been examined separately in the literature, thereby obscuring the strong affinities of human security to national security and non-liberal bureaucratic control. I argue that once the international and the domestic sides of Japanese human security are studied together, the approach can no longer be understood as resting on a combination of liberal values and 'Asian' values. Instead, it needs to be studied through a domopolitical diagram concerned with national security – that is, governance in the image of the home, linking citizenship, state and territory. After an initial discussion of the notion of domopolitics and its conceptual extension to the Japanese context, the article investigates the domopolitical relationship between Japanese human security as practised in Afghanistan and Japan's domestic refugee policy. It continues by examining the emergence of juridico-bureaucratic administration of NGOs within the domestic context and its subsequent extension to the area of Japanese human security, before ending with a few concluding remarks.

Maps -- Prologue: This SIM card is our life -- A note -- Timeline of important events and relevant statistics -- Immigration statistics -- Where it ends and where it begins -- Sudan : through the desert -- Libya : the twenty-first century slave trade -- Ain Zara and Abu Salim : new life and new death -- Libya : escape to Hell -- Triq al Sikka : burned alive -- Disunited nations -- Tunis : the last days of Rome -- Abu Salim : love finds a way -- Khoms Souq al Khamis : a market of human beings -- Sierra Leone : the Temple Run and the left-behind women -- Brussels : migration crisis "over" -- Triq al Sikka : going underground -- Tripoli : war erupts again -- Qasr bin Ghashir and Zawiya : shots fired -- Zintan : Libya's "Guantanamo" -- UNHCR gathering and departure facility : the hotel -- Tajoura : war crimes and war slaves -- Rwanda : a new route to safety -- Tripoli : closing the gathering and departure facility -- The Mediterranean Sea : Fortress Europe -- Addis Ababa : smugglers on trial -- Paris and Berlin : Europe on the dock -- Europe : Home sweet home -- Epilogue : Luxembourg: Kaleb.

Congress has maintained an interest in the effects of gang violence in Central America, and on the expanding activities of transnational gangs with ties to that region operating in the United States. Since FY2008, Congress has appropriated significant amounts of funding for anti-gang efforts in Central America, as well as domestic anti-gang programs. This book examines the U.S.- funded international anti-gang efforts and describes the gang problem in Central America; discusses country approaches to deal with the gangs; and analyzes U.S. policy with respect to gangs in Central America. The book

Der Bund der Vertriebenen und die ostdeutschen Landsmannschaften zählten für die SED und die Staatssicherheit zu den "politischen Feindorganisationen" in der Bundesrepublik. Diese Interessenverbände galt es mit allen Mitteln zu bekämpfen, da sie die staatliche Existenz der DDR, die Herrschaft der SED und die Grenzen zu Polen und zur Sowjetunion nicht anerkannten. Heike Amos deckt die subversiven Methoden der Staatssicherheit auf und zeigt, dass die SED aktiv auf die Politik der Vertriebenenverbände Einfluss nahm. Gezielte Desinformation, Konfliktverschärfung und Skandalisierung waren dabei an der Tagesordnung. Sahen jedoch SED und ihr Geheimdienst in den Vertriebenenverbänden tatsächlich eine "Revanchismusgefahr" oder dienten ihre verdeckten Operationen anderen Zielen?.