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This article explores the development of international relations (IR) in Indonesia with special focus on the changing trends in its theoretical perspectives. It argues that the academic works examined reflect the ways in which Indonesia's IR scholars perceive and theorize the nature of the dynamics of external political environments and their connections to the state's foreign relations. The argument is elaborated in two related parts. The first section discusses the theoretical perspectives that developed during the Cold War period, which focuses on the propensity toward historical realism and regionalism. The second part of the discussion examines recent developments in which Cold War perspectives have been reconsidered, and in many respects modified into three new categories of theoretical thinking, namely reform, resistance, and eclecticism. The changing theoretical trends reveal that Indonesia's IR scholarship is open and innovative. The conclusion comments on the development of the Indonesia's IR.

This study considers the political aspects of the Joko Widodo government's megaproject to build an integrated marine logistic system known as the tol laut. Expanding the existing literature which gives details about the contextual obstacles faced by and the prospects for the Indonesian government to pursue its infrastructure ambitions, the study argues that notwithstanding the relevance of the tol laut for advancing the Indonesian economy, it is inevitably entangled with dynamic internal and external environments which can unfavourably distort the construction processes. This is the way of understanding the political economy of Indonesia's development issues which allows for the juxtaposition of domestic political and international relations factors as its framework of analysis. The discussion is divided into four sections. Section one explains the conceptual and methodological foundation of the study. Section two outlines the importance of the tol laut to Indonesian national economic development. Section three looks at how the current domestic political settings pose structural hurdles to Widodo's tol laut, and section four observes the effect of international relations of powerful regional actors and Jakarta's diplomatic capacity to the on-going tol laut. The concluding section summarizes the findings of the study.

Realism has been the dominant conceptual approach to studying Indonesian foreign policy. This article, however, considers realist analyses to be insucient since their emphasis on the struggle for power and security in the system of states has led to the neglect of the importance of perspectives which focus on order. To ll the gap it then intends to apply the English School perspective which focuses on the concept of international society to trace the nature and function of Indonesian foreign policy. Two cases are examined, including the Asian African Conference and Association of South East Asian Nations, to demonstrate the relevance of international society for policy ideas and action. The central argument is that the Indonesian elite worldview indicates that the creation and maintenance of order in international societies are ones which are prominent objectives legitimizing the conduct of Indonesia's external relations.

The existing literature on Indonesia's foreign policy has excluded the state from the category of an agent which shapes the country's external affairs. This trend certainly ignores the notion that foreign policy is a unique state activity taking place in the interface between domestic and international politics. To fill the gap, this article explores the idea about the family state and looks at its influence on the conduct of Indonesia's international relations. The argument is that the family state pursues order in international society in which sovereignty can be maintained. Indonesia plays the role of an order-maker in Southeast Asia through the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). The order-oriented actions are displayed by Jakarta's diplomacy to resolve border disputes with neighbouring countries in the region

Global surveys indicate that massive disillusionment with economic globalisation, upheld by the liberal order, which is ignored by governments in European, Asian and Latin American countries, has paved the way for the ascent of nationalist forces. This trend is also visible in Indonesia. President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) has consolidated power against opponents who exploit nationalist, populist and religious causes. On the international front, Jakarta has been actively engaged within a variety of multilateral organisations where liberal institutionalist agendas are enforced. Therefore, it is worthwhile considering the influence of internal and external environments on Jokowi's economic policy which is getting increasingly nationalistic. This article argues that nationalist economic practices have emerged as the Jokowi government's response to domestic and international challenges which can have an impact on its perceived legitimacy. The discussion proceeds in five steps. To begin, this article presents a comparative perspective to understand the position of Indonesia in the developing international political economic context. This is followed by an overview of the definition of economic nationalism and its connections to domestic politics and foreign relations. The third section is about the Indonesian government's efforts to put economic nationalism into effect. The next two parts investigate how the inside and outside dynamics generate Jokowi's inward-looking policies. The conclusion emphasises what can be learnt from the Indonesian case.

Revolusi Iran tahun 1979 menjadi sebuah titik balik terhadap dinamika politik, budaya, dan sosial yang ada di Iran. Pemimpin revolusi, Khomeini, ingin Iran menjadi negara mandiri secara militer, salah satunya adalah membentuk milisi yang disebut Basij e-Mustafasin. Basij adalah milisi yang loyal terhadap Ayatollah yang terdiri dari masyarakat sipil. Basij telah begitu aktif terlibat dalam berbagai macam konflik yang melibatkan kepentingan Iran, seperti perang Irak-Iran 1980, perang Lebanon 2006, hingga perang sipil Suriah 2011. Menurut Paul Bucala (2017), penggunaan milisi Basij Iran dalam Perang Sipil Suriah yang terjadi dinilai tidak efektif, menghabiskan dana dan memunculkan korban yang cukup banyak, selain itu terdapat sebuah anomali dimana milisi yang seharusnya digunakan untuk bertahan di dalam teritorial negara (Calder, 1910). Namun hal ini tidak membuat Ali Khameini sebagai pemimpin agung untuk meminimalisir penggunaan milisi Basij pada Perang Sipil Suriah. Penelitian ini membuktikan bahwa terdapat konsistensi serta peningkatan dalam penggunaan milisi Basij dikarenakan budaya strategis yang mengakar dalam kultur militer Iran yaitu exporting sectarianism dan ideological army mobilization yang di sebutkan oleh Kamran Taremi (2014). Melalui hal tersebut peneliti akan menggunakan kerangka pemikiran Ole Waever tentang konstruksi sejarah sebagai identitas utama dari budaya strategis. Peneliti juga menggunakan kerangka beprikir militerisasi sipil oleh Julian Schofield (2007) untuk melihat fenomena milisi yang ada di Iran. Laporan penelitian ini kemudian menunjukkan bahwa adanya sebuah penyerapan pemahaman kolektif budaya strategis dalam perumusan kebijakan luar negeri Iran khususnya dalam bidang militer.

Interfaith dialogue has not gained a strategic place in the context of the study of international relations yet, even though its existence has practically provided new dynamics in the constellation of contemporary international relations. Not only that, interfaith dialogue also has sufficient theoretical urgency as a academics study that needs to be continuously developed. The debate between realism and idealism continues to develop in contemporary international relations studies. This development is influenced by the expansion of the meaning of actors who not only talk about state actors but also non-state actors, the expansion of the issues was originally focused on hard political issues but also focus to the discussion on low political issues, as well as how the interaction between actors with the religious discussion of these issues has created varied patterns of relations between actors in the study of international relations. This study attempts to place the phenomenon of interfaith dialogue theoretically in the study of international relations through a rational perspective, by seeking a middle ground between the realism and idealism debates. The English School approach, foreign policy, and diplomacy will try to be presented so that the theoretical position of inter-religious dialogue will become clear as a phenomenon that continues to develop in the study of international relations. The importance of this research is to provide the possibility of a wider variety of studies in the context of international relations, so that the existence of international relations as a scientific discipline can be optimized for its contribution to analyzing social phenomena across national borders that occur and growing.

This paper would like to analyze the development of study of International Relations in Indonesia which has progressed very rapidly. The science of lucrative International Relations since April 1919 in Britain and into Indonesian territory since the 1945's, has been in great demand by the public, gaining a place in the hearts of the social scientific community, and contributing a lot to the foreign decision-making played by the government. Therefore, it is important to look at opportunities, challenges, and prospects for the development of International Relations studies in Indonesia to date. ; This paper would like to analyze the development of study of International Relations in Indonesia which has progressed very rapidly. The science of lucrative International Relations since April 1919 in Britain and into Indonesian territory since the 1945's, has been in great demand by the public, gaining a place in the hearts of the social scientific community, and contributing a lot to the foreign decision-making played by the government. Therefore, it is important to look at opportunities, challenges, and prospects for the development of International Relations studies in Indonesia to date.

After the Soviet break-up and the Marxist regime collapsed, many of alternative notions emerged in the academic community in Russia, including alternative ideas in the field of International Relations (IR). A number of Russian IR scholars attempted to reconstruct the theories of IR, not just the IR theories that developed in Russia during the era of Marxism, but also against Western IR theories. Although the post-Cold War aspirations to create a distinct national school of International Relations in Russia, but these efforts are not free from the ideology and political goal that directing and guiding Russian foreign policy. Even, IR scholars in Russia have come to shared with the Russian government in terms of building the IR theories with the Russian characteristics, especially in challenging Western hegemony in the social sciences and international relations. This article tries to elaborate three intellectual traditions of international relations that developed in Russia, namely Westernism, Statism, and Civilizationism. Westernizer IR heavily influenced by Western liberalism, Statism more inspired by the realism, while Civilizationism is more of a hybrid between the constructivism and Russian essentialism.

Abstract COVID – 19 is an unprecedented occasion that forces every state to adapt to the current changes in the dynamics of international relations. The impacts that are given by the Pandemic are not only on the health aspects, but also give the spillover effects to some aspects, such as economy and social, as the result of the closed-border policy and the restrictions policy on trading. By that means, the holistic and comprehensive approaches are needed to tackle the pandemic. Furthermore, Global Health Diplomacy is considered as one of the instruments or means to tackle the impacts of it. Notwithstanding, there are some states which implement the Me First Policy, especially at the beginning of the Pandemic. This paper examines Indonesia Foreign Policy through Global Health Diplomacy during COVID – 19 and to analyses the characteristics of the policy, either cooperative or competitive. This paper uses the concept of Global Health Diplomacy by Kickbusch and Told on 21st Century Health Diplomacy: A New Relationship between Foreign Policy and Health, Global Health Diplomacy: The Need for New Perspectives, Strategic Approaches and Skills in Global Health, by Kickbusch, Ilona; Silberschmidt, Gaudenz; Buss, Paulo and the concept of Global Health Diplomacy by Khazatzadeh-Mahani, A., Ruckert, A., & LabontÉ, R Through its Global Health Diplomacy, Indonesia is aiming to implement the policy which are based on the solidarity and cooperativeness. Keywords: COVID – 19, Global Health Diplomacy, Indonesia, Cooperative, Competitive

This paper looks at how Indonesia contributes to the creation of a relatively peaceful and stable Southeast Asian region after the Cold War. It examines Jakarta's diplomacy in the South China Sea, and explains its implications for the making of the regional order. The argument is that Indonesia's impact on regional security has been apparent in its attention to the improvement of rule-based interaction among states in the region. However, recent developments have demonstrated that Indonesia's initiatives, formulated in the Indo-Pacific Cooperation Concept, are unsuccessful due to the lack of support from other ASEAN states. This paper shows that great powers politics in the troubled waters has hindered the advancement of Indonesian's orderdriven policy.

Paradiplomacy is still relatively a new phenomenon for government activity in Indonesia. Paradiplomacy refers to the behavior and capacity to engage in foreign relations with foreign parties carried out by 'sub-state' entities, or regional governments / local governments, in the context of their specific interests. The term 'paradiplomacy' was first launched in an academic debate by Basque scientists, Panayotis Soldatos in the 1980s as a combination of the term 'parallel diplomacy' into 'paradiplomacy', which refers to the meaning of 'the foreign policy of non-central governments', according to Aldecoa , Keating and Boyer. Another term that was put forward by Ivo Duchacek (New York, 1990) for this concept is 'micro-diplomacy'. In this work, author explain the paradiplomacy into ten section such as: (1) Introduction; (2) Interaction Transnational and Paradiplomacy; (3) Paradiplomacy in the Indonesian Law Context; (4) Paradiplomacy in the International Law Context; (5) Diplomacy by Local Government; (6) Technical Regulation on the Implementation of Paradiplomacy in Indonesia; (7) International Cooperation by the Special Regional Province of Yogyakarta, Indonesia; (8) The Chronology of International Cooperation by the Local Government in Indonesia; (9) Inputs for the Revision of Indonesian Law on International Cooperation and (10) Epilog.

The preference of states to use public diplomacy strategy to support the realization of their national interests has become an international phenomenon nowadays. Public diplomacy in the modern era of International Relations turns out to be an instrument for states to exercise their soft power, as well as to convey specific messages intended for the international public. Thus, public diplomacy could be an alternative way for states that had serious barriers in practicing formal diplomacy in conventional ways. Palestine, as an entity whose legal status remains debatable, also utilizes public diplomacy as its strategy to gain support and recognition from the international community. This paper would aim to answer the research question on how Palestine exercises its public diplomacy, particularly digital diplomacy and citizen diplomacy, to gain international recognition for its statehood. By means of the use of social media and the exposure on Palestine's internationally well-known figure, Palestine is building a perception that Palestine itself is a state with no difference with the other states — therefore deserves independence and total sovereignty over its territory. ; The preference of states to use public diplomacy strategy to support the realization of their national interests has become an international phenomenon nowadays. Public diplomacy in the modern era of International Relations turns out to be an instrument for states to exercise their soft power, as well as to convey specific messages intended for the international public. Thus, public diplomacy could be an alternative way for states that had serious barriers in practicing formal diplomacy in conventional ways. Palestine, as an entity whose legal status remains debatable, also utilizes public diplomacy as its strategy to gain support and recognition from the international community. This paper would aim to answer the research question on how Palestine exercises its public diplomacy, particularly digital diplomacy and citizen diplomacy, to gain international recognition for its statehood. By means of the use of social media and the exposure on Palestine's internationally well-known figure, Palestine is building a perception that Palestine itself is a state with no difference with the other states — therefore deserves independence and total sovereignty over its territory

Interaction in the international system creates cooperation between countries and can also create conflicts when interests between countries clash. There are two approaches used in resolving conflict; associative where countries seek to cooperate with each other; and disassociative involving military force and political separation (Barash & Webel, 2009: 288). One of Indonesia's associative efforts in maintaining its diplomatic relations with Australia is by using ASEAN to form the AANZFTA (ASEAN-Australia-New Zealand Free Trade Area). Apart from geographical proximity, the socio-economic development opportunities for all parties, this cooperation is also a geopolitical strategy for Australian security and provides political legitimacy for ASEAN in the international world. Using a case study method that focuses on the dynamics of the relationship between ASEAN, Australia, and New Zealand, mainly through the AANZFTA, this paper will explain ASEAN, Australia, and New Zealand's reasons and interests as well as strengths and weaknesses in them. Through discussion and analysis results, it can be concluded that international cooperation was formed to build negative peace after the World War. Then over time, non-traditional issues increasingly encourage international cooperation to develop positive peace with moral values and peaceful dispute resolution without violence. Although the impact is the domination of big countries and sacrificing small and developing countries' sovereignty, each country will always prioritize its own interests. This study's results can provide an overview of the diplomatic relations between Indonesia and Australia multilaterally through AANZFTA. At the same time, the bilateral relationship between the two can be reviewed in further research