Suchergebnisse

Odnos Europske Unije i crkava, religijskih zajednica i udruženja različitih nereligioznih uvjerenja institucionaliziran je Deklaracijom br. 11 Ugovora iz Amsterdama, Poveljom o temeljnim pravima Europske Unije (čl. 10.) i Lisabonskim ugovorom (čl. 17. Konsolidirane verzije Ugovora o funkcioniranju Europske Unije). Budući da ugovori o stvaranju Europske zajednice i poslije Europske Unije nisu spominjali odnos prema religijskim zajednicama, što je posve razumljivo s obzirom na sadržaj ugovora, tek je s neformalnim, a potom sve više službenim inicijativama između Europske komisije i predstavnika vodećih religijskih zajednica došlo do dijaloga. Pokušajem identificiranja ključnih prekretnica u odnosu između Europske Unije te crkava i nekonfesionalnih organizacija ovaj rad želi istražiti mogućnosti historijskog institucionalizma u istraživanju političkog sustava Europske Unije. Ključne prekretnice moguće je promatrati kod crkava i religijskih zajednica, kao i kod političkih tijela Europske Unije. Pri proučavanju promjena koje dovode do stvaranja europskog modela odnosa prema religijskim zajednicama rad se zadržava na radu Europske komisije, dok utjecaj europskog zakonodavstva (koje uključuje sudske odluke Europskog suda i Europskog suda za ljudska prava) ostavlja za jednu širu analizu ovog odnosa. ; The relationship between the European Union and churches, religious associations and associations of various non-religious beliefs is institutionalised by Declaration 11 of the Treaty of Amsterdam, the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union (Art. 10) and the Treaty of Lisbon (Art. 17 of the Consolidated version of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union). As the treaties on the creation of the European Community and, later, the European Union failed to mention the relationship towards religious associations, which is perfectly understandable considering the contents of the treaties, a dialogue arose only with the informal, and, thereupon, more and more official initiatives between the European ...

Država Izrael u svijetu je prepoznata po višetisućljetnoj židovskoj tradiciji i povijesti. Osim bogate kulture, prožete bliskoistočnim elementima, ali i onima doseljenika iz raznih zapadnih zemalja, Izrael uživa poseban imidž na međunarodnoj pozornici. Taj pak imidž ovisi o više faktora – s jedne strane Izrael predstavlja multikulturalnu zemlju poželjnu kao turističku destinaciju ili pak zemlju za ekonomske i tehnološke inovacije, dok s druge Izrael biva predstavljen u negativnom kontekstu kao vojnička država koja guši prava manjina, posebice arapske. Negativan imidž utječe na Izrael, kao i na svaku drugu državu. Međutim, diplomatskim aktivnostima i raznim projektima ta slika pokušava se iz dana u dan poboljšati. Suradnja između diplomatskih službenika i konzultanata odnosa s javnošću ima za cilj što efektivniju promociju Izraela. Iako je percepcija Izraela ponekad izrazito polarizirana, u poslovnom svijetu taj faktor ne utječe na njegovo gospodarstvo. Baš suprotno, za vrijeme sukoba ili ratnih kriza, izraelski BDP je rastao, a sve to zahvaljujući imidžu vrijednih i upornih ljudi koji uživa židovska populacija u ekonomskom svijetu. U političkom kontekstu, Izrael druge države dijeli na prijateljske, odnosno neprijateljske. Kod prijateljskih, većinom zapadnjačkih država, uživa veliku potporu i u vojnom i u gospodarskom smislu te negativno pisanje svjetski poznatih medija ne utječe na tu potporu. Ovaj rad istražuje strategije međunarodnih odnosa s javnošću i diplomacije Države Izrael kao brenda u međunarodnoj zajednici. Kroz kratak povijesni pregled predstavlja se razvoj metoda kojima se izgrađuje imidž Izraela na međunarodnoj pozornici, a stručnjaci i diplomati daju praktičan uvid u funkcioniranje javne diplomacije i odnosa s javnošću na razini jedne države. ; The State of Israel is renowed worldwide for its millenial Jewish tradition and history. Besides its rich culture, infused with Middle Eastern and Western flavours, Israel nurtures a distinctive image in the international arena. The image is influenced by ...

Sudbinu je književnika – prognanika, uz mnoge u hrvatskoj povijesti, doživio i Vinko Nikolić (1912. – 1997.), dugogodišnji urednik (47 godina!) "Hrvatske revije" koja je povezivala emigraciju s domovinom i pozivala na oprost i pomirbu svih Hrvata. Pjesnik mora i krša, kruha i vina, samoće i nostalgije, religioznih motiva, sjećanja na zavičaj i žudnje za slobodom i zajedništvom, Vinko Nikolić zaljubljenik je u hrvatsku riječ, utjelovljenjeje tragične sudbine hrvatskoga naroda, ali i primjer privrženosti i odanosti domovini. Iako su težina i neizvjesnost svakodnevnoga križa duboko utkani u Nikolićevo stvaralaštvo, pjesnik rijetko izražava sumnju u Božje postojanje i u njegovu pomoć. Od molitvenih obiteljskih susreta do Križnoga puta i prognaničkih dana Krist mu je stalni suputnik (i supatnik). U životnom su mu hodu družice tjelesne i duševne patnje, gorčina, egzistencijalna zebnja, nostalgija i čežnja za zavičajem, ali i snažno domoljublje. U svojim se zahvalnicama, pokajnicama, psalmičkim i prozbenim pjesmama utječe Kristu i Majci Božjoj za pomoć. Sanja i vjeruje u povratak u Hrvatsku. Ritam njegovih pjesama nerijetko podsjeća na naše drevne bugarštice, a slobodni su mu stihovi misaoni, referencijalni i apelativni. Svakodnevni život i stvaralački opus pjesnika i kritičara, esejista i urednika, profesora i nakladnika V. Nikolića dobio je novi sadržaj odlaskom u progonstvo, ali je, srećom, nakon demokratskih promjena oplemenjen povratkom svojemu izvoru te su se Nikolićeva ljubav i žrtva, vjera i nada, bogoljublje i čovjekoljublje duboko ukorijenili u hrvatsku književnu tradiciju. ; Vinko Nikolić (1912 – 1997), the long-time editor (47 years!) of the "Croatian Review", also experienced the fate of the writer – displaced person like so many others in Croatian historythat linked emigration with the Croatian homeland and called for forgiveness and reconciliation of all Croats. A poet of the sea and rocky landscape, bread and wine, loneliness and nostalgia, religious motives, memories of the homeland and the longing for freedom and community, Vinko Nikolić is in love with the Croatian word, and is the embodiment of the tragic fate of the Croatian people but also an example of devotion and loyalty to his homeland. Even though the weight and uncertainty of the daily cross are deeply woven into Nikolić's body of work,the poet rarely expresses doubts about the existence of God and his help. From family prayer meetings to the Way of the Cross and days of exile, Christ is his constant companion (and fellow sufferer). His companions along his life journey are physical and mental suffering, bitterness, existential anxiety, nostalgia and longing for the homelaand, but also a strong patriotism. In his prayers of gratitude and repentance, and his psalm-like and suppliation poems, he calls on Christ and Mother Mary for help. He dreams of and believes in his return to Croatia. The rhythm of his poems is often reminiscent of our ancient bugaršticas and his blank verses are thoughtful, referential and appellative. The everyday life and creative work of this poet and critic, essayist and editor, professor and publisher, received new content with his going into exile, but fortunately, after the democratic changes, was enriched by his return to his origin, and Nikolić's love and sacrifice, faith and hope, love for God and humaneness are deeply rooted in the Croatian literary tradition.

Bugarsko-hrvatski politički odnosi jedna su od relativno slabo istraženih tema unatoč povijesnoj, zemljopisnoj i jezičnoj bliskosti dvaju naroda. Cilj je ovoga rada istražiti veze između Bugara i Hrvata nakon početka demokratskih promjena u dvjema zemljama, od 1990. do danas, s naglaskom na njihov politički aspekt. U tom će smislu članak prikazati veze među vođama dviju zemalja, njihove bilateralne susrete, teme od zajedničkoga interesa, uzajamne inicijative, diplomatska nastojanja, postignute dogovore i geste dobre volje. Prikaz tih aktivnosti pokazuje da su bugarsko-hrvatski odnosi bili saveznički i prijateljski. U tekstu su korišteni arhivski i službeni dokumenti različitih institucija, izvori objavljeni u medijima kao i razgovori s protagonistima događaja. ; Bulgarian-Croatian political relations date back to the creation of the two states. Bulgaria and Croatia are bound by historical, geographical, linguistic, and last but not least political ties. This article examines the political relations between Bulgarians and Croats over a 25-year period – from the beginning of the democratic changes in 1990 to 2015. The analysis shows that, throughout this period, despite the ruling ideological paradigm in Sofia and Zagreb, the relations between the two countries were filled with goodwill, partnerships, mutual support, and formal and informal gestures. Such good cooperation manifested most clearly in moments of crisis for the two states – the wars in the early 1990s in former Yugoslavia, the crisis involving the Bulgarian medical workers in Libya, the recognition of Kosovo, the collapse of the Gaddafi regime, and others. The bilateral relations of these countries on the highest political level have become extremely intense after the beginning of the 21st century. The relations that developed when both countries were on the road to membership in the EU and NATO, and after both became members of these two organizations, serve to deepen the political ties between Bulgaria and Croatia.

U radu se analizira djelovanje dviju temeljnih međunarodnih organizacija - Europske zajednice i Ujedinjenih naroda - uključenih u razdoblje Domovinskog rata, tj. razdoblje stvaranja samostalne hrvatske države (1991.-1995.). Djelovanje tih organizacija analizira se u dvostrukom smislu - u širem kontekstu te na primjeru konkretne regije (zapadna Slavonija). Rad predstavlja prvu znanstvenu analizu djelovanja Europske zajednice i Ujedinjenih naroda u Hrvatskoj 1991.-1995. (s posebnim naglaskom na provedbu koncepta mirovne operacije Ujedinjenih naroda). ; The paper analyzes the effects of two fundamental international organizations - the European Community and United Nations - involved in the war period, ie the creation of an independent Croatian state (1991.-1995.). Effect of the above organizations is analyzed in a double sense - in a broader context and the specific example of the region (Western Slavonia). The work represents the first scientific analysis action of the European Community and the United Nations in Croatia, 1991.-1995. (with special emphasis on the implementation of the concept of peacekeeping operations of the United Nations).

Dugo je vremena koncept suvereniteta smatran kamenom temeljcem domaćeg i međunarodnog prava te političke misli. Koncepcija suvereniteta blisko je povezana s koncepcijom države. Bilo je to »normalno« stanje države, u kojem ona ima vrhovnu ili konačnu vlast u unutarnjim političkim i pravnim pitanjima, a svojstvo neovisnosti prema drugim državama. Međunarodnu zajednicu činile su ravnopravne i neovisne države. Danas, na početku 21. stoljeća, koncept suvereniteta izložen je mnogim izazovima, od kojih je najznačajniji proces globalizacije koji je doveo do sve veće međupovezanosti ljudi širom svijeta vidljive na svim poljima: političkim, vojnim, ekonomskim, kulturnim i pravnim. U ovom radu usredotočit ćemo se na pitanje kako globalizacija utječe na državni suverenitet te da ti pregled argumenata korištenih u novijoj literaturi. ; The concept of sovereignty was for a long time considered as one of the cornerstones of national and international law, and of political thought. The concept of sovereignty was closely connected with the concept of the state. It was a »normal« situation of a country where it had supreme or final power in political and legal matters in its domestic affairs, while at the same time it was independent in relation to all other countries. The international community used to consist of equal and independent states. At the beginning of the 21st century, the concept of sovereignty is faced with many challenges, both in theory and in practice. What happens within a country's territory and to its inhabitants is now less a consequence of national politics than the result of international circumstances – the difference between internal and foreign affairs is becoming increasingly vague. Several processes are happening simultaneously: globalisation (the development of information and communication technology; increase in foreign investments, the development of multinational corporations, and strengthening of the international economic and trade organisations' role), the process of European integration, the development of international protection of human rights (the development of cogent rules of international law, humanitarian interventions, the role of transnational non- governmental organisations), and the phenomenon of »failed states«. All the above mentioned has created a need to redefine the concept of sovereignty.

Dugo je vremena koncept suvereniteta smatran kamenom temeljcem domaćeg i međunarodnog prava te političke misli. Koncepcija suvereniteta blisko je povezana s koncepcijom države. Bilo je to »normalno« stanje države, u kojem ona ima vrhovnu ili konačnu vlast u unutarnjim političkim i pravnim pitanjima, a svojstvo neovisnosti prema drugim državama. Međunarodnu zajednicu činile su ravnopravne i neovisne države. Danas, na početku 21. stoljeća, koncept suvereniteta izložen je mnogim izazovima, od kojih je najznačajniji proces globalizacije koji je doveo do sve veće međupovezanos- ti ljudi širom svijeta vidljive na svim poljima: političkim, vojnim, ekonomskim, kulturnim i pravnim. U ovom radu usredotočit ćemo se na pitanje kako globalizacija utječe na državni suverenitet te dati pregled argumenata korištenih u novijoj literaturi. ; The concept of sovereignty was for a long time considered as one of the corner- stones of national and international law, and of political thought. The concept of sovereignty was closely connected with the concept of the state. It was a »normal« situation of a country where it had supreme or final power in political and legal matters in its domestic affairs, while at the same time it was independent in relation to all other countries. The international community used to consist of equal and independent States. At the beginning of the 21st Century, the concept of sovereignty is faced with many challenges, both in theory and in practice. What happens within a country's territory and to its inhabitants is now less a consequence of national politics than the result of international circumstances - the difference between internal and foreign affairs is becoming increasingly vague. Several processes are happening simultaneously: globalisation (the development of information and communication technology; increase in foreign Investments, the development of multinational corporations, and strengthening of the international economic and trade organisations' role), the process of European integration, the development of international protection of human rights (the development of cogent rules of international law, humanitarian interventions, the role of transnational non/governmental organisations), and the phenomenon of »failed States«. All the above mentioned has created a need to redefine the concept of sovereignty.

Rezultati teorijsko — komparativne analize i empirijskog dijela istraživanja u sklopu znanstvenoistraživačkih projekata "Genealogija i transfer modela interkulturalizma" (1991.— 1996.) i "Školski kurikulum i obilježja hrvatske nacionalne kulture" 1997. — 2002.) upućuju na zaključak kako ispitanici sebe vide primarno u okruženju nekih nacija: Hrvati, pa Amerikanci, Talijani, Nijemci i prema njima iskazujuj socijalnu blizinu. Kod nacija i etniciteta kod kojih je više iskazano neprihvaćanje: Srbi, Crnogorci, Romi., ne može se govoriti o crno-bijelim odnosima, jer istovremeno nije zanemariv postotak odgovora koji upućuju na prihvaćanje. Sličan je trend prisutan u odnosu na socijalne udaljenosti prema vjerskim skupinama. Dobiveni rezultati mogu pomoći definirati obrazovnu politiku te mogu pridonijeti neposrednoj školskoj praksi u procesu osuvremenjivanja odgojnog rada, i s gledišta rasterećenja od nepotrebnih sadržaja, prema uvođenju inoviranih programa, poboljšanju kvalitete udžbenika i drugih izvora znanja, u kontekstu interkulturalne pedagoške komunikacije. ; The results of theoretical-comparative analysis and of the empirical part of the study conducted as part of projects "Genealogy and transfer of models of interculturalism" 1991-1996 and "School curriculum and characteristics of Croatian national culture" 1997-2002 point to the conclusion that subjects perceive themselves as primarily surrounded by certain nations: Croats, then Americans, Italians, Germans, expressing greater social closeness towards them. In the case of less accepted nations and ethnic groups, such as Serbs, Montenegrins, Roma, etc. it is not possible to speak about "black and white" relations, since at the same time there is a certain percent of answers pointing to acceptance. There is a similar trend in the relation of social distance towards religious groups. The obtained results can help in the definition of educational politics and immediate school practice in the process of modernization of educational work from the viewpoint of clearing away the superfluous teaching matter as well as introduction of innovated programs and improvement of quality of textbooks and other sources of knowledge in the context of intercultural educational communication. ; Ergebnisse der theoretisch-vergleichenden Analyse und der empirischen Untersuchung im Rahmen der wissenschaftlichen Forschungsprojekte "Genealogie und Transfer des Interkulturalismusmodells" 1991-1996 und "Schulkurrikulum und Merkmale der kroatischen Nationalkultur" 1997-2002 lassen die Schlussfolgerung zu, dass die Befragten sich selbst und die anderen primar im Umfeld einer Nation betrachten: als Kroaten, Amerikaner, Italiener, Deutsche und dass sie zu diesen Gruppen eine ausgeprägte soziale Nähe aufweisen. Bei den Nationalitäten und ethnischen Gruppen, bei denen die Nichtannahme ausgeprägter ist, wie z.B. bei den Serben, Montenegrinern, Roma kann jedoch nicht von "schwarzweissen" Beziehungen gesprochen werden, da gleichzeitig der Prozentsatz der Akzeptanz zeigenden Antworten nicht zu vernachlässigen ist. Ein ähnlicher Trend zeigt sich auch im Verhältnis der sozialen Ferne zu den einzelnen Religionsgemeinschaften. Die erhobenen Resultate können bei der Definierung der Bildungspolitk und in der unmittelbaren Schulpraxis als Orientierung herangezogen werden, um den Ausbildungsprozess zu modernisieren, sowohl im Hinblick auf die Entlastung von unnötigen Lehrinhalten als auch im Hinblick auf die Einführung neuer Lehrprogramme und Verbesserung von Lehrbüchern und anderen Wissensquellen, im Kontext der interkulturellen pädagogischen Kommunikation.

U radu se razmatra Lockeovo poimanje prirodnoga stanja kao prve sekvence njegove kontraktualističke naracije te razlozi za napuštanje toga prirodnoga stanja i dragovoljni ulazak pojedinaca u političku zajednicu. Pojedinci na temelju izričitog pristanka, odnosno društvenog ugovora, postaju članovima političke zajednice. Motiv za stvaranje političke zajednice je očuvanje vlasništva koje je u Lockeovoj filozofiji politike, suprotno teoretičarima njegova doba kao što su Grotius, Hobbes i Pufendorf, pojmljeno kao pretpolitička kategorija. Locke vlasništvo poima na dvostruki način: u širem smislu riječi ono podrazumijeva život, slobodu i imetak pojedinca, a u užem smislu riječi vlasništvo označava samo imetak. Političkoj zajednici kao ustanovljenoj državi namijenjena je samo instrumentalna uloga koja se sastoji od toga da kao nepristrani sudac razrješava sporove, osigura očuvanje imovine te da među pojedincima sprečava moguće nasilje i prevare koje nastaju zbog velikih razlika u vlasniš¬tvu. Država sprečava osobno provođenje prirodnog zakona jer se time politička zajednica i njezini građani štite od pristranosti posrnulih pojedinaca. Autor u članku nastoji ponuditi kritičko-analitičku rekonstrukciju Lockeove argumentacije prirodnog stanja i kontraktualističkog opravdanja same konstitucije i načina djelovanja političke zajednice. ; This paper discusses Locke's conception of the natural state as the first sequence in his contractualism narration, and the reasons for the abandonment of natural state and voluntary entry of individuals into political community. Individuals under the explicit consent apropos social contract become the members of political community. The motive for the creation of political community as the preservation of property was conceived as a pre-political category in Locke's philosophy of politics, contrary to the theorists of his time such as Grotius, Hobbes, and Pufendorf. Locke thinks of the ownership in two ways: in the wider sense of the word, it means life, liberty and property of the individual, but in the strict sense it means to posses property. Political community, established as state, is intended to have an instrumental role which consists of having an impartial judge settling disputes, ensuring the preservation of property, and preventing possible violence and deception among individuals, arising from large difference in the property possession. The state prevents the personal implementation of natural law because it is the way in which the state can protect political community and its citizens from biased troubled individuals. The author seeks to offer the critical and analytical reconstruction of Locke's argument of natural state and the contractualist justification for the constitution and modus operandi of the political community.

The author analyzes the crux of the Christian social creed & its relevance for the issue of the organization of a modern society. Christian tenets are universal & thus above party politics. The starting point of the Christian vision of society & the precepts of natural order & natural right are the cornerstones of the demand for the inviolability of individuals. Human rights imply ethical consideration: an interdiction against exploitation & hypocrisy & recognition of the quality of people. Unlike an individual, a society is a fortuity having no substantial reality: it is but a set of relationships among individuals. A society is nevertheless recognized as autonomous & pluralistic. It develops its own dynamics & contradictions, which call for studied efforts to maintain social balance. That is why the mediation of state in a society is requisite. The state is defined by the contemporary Christian canon (in line with Thomas Aquinas) as an institution fundamental in establishing a consummate human community. The scope of a state's activities is restricted: state intervention must take into consideration individual & collective rights & be in the service of achieving the common good. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the crux of the Christian social creed & its relevance for the issue of the organization of a modern society. Christian tenets are universal & thus above party politics. The starting point of the Christian vision of society & the precepts of natural order & natural right are the cornerstones of the demand for the inviolability of individuals. Human rights imply ethical consideration: an interdiction against exploitation & hypocrisy & recognition of the quality of people. Unlike an individual, a society is a fortuity having no substantial reality: it is but a set of relationships among individuals. A society is nevertheless recognized as autonomous & pluralistic. It develops its own dynamics & contradictions, which call for studied efforts to maintain social balance. That is why the mediation of state in a society is requisite. The state is defined by the contemporary Christian canon (in line with Thomas Aquinas) as an institution fundamental in establishing a consummate human community. The scope of a state's activities is restricted: state intervention must take into consideration individual & collective rights & be in the service of achieving the common good. Adapted from the source document.

Autorica u članku analizira položaj Dubrovnika u prvoj fazi protudvorskog pokreta (1384. – 1390.). Razmatra odnos između Dubrovnika, ugarskog vladara i krune Sv. Stjepana u vremenu dinastičkih borbi i velikaških ambicija, a osobito obrađuje problem stupanja Sigismunda Luksemburškog (1387. – 1437.) na ugarski tron. ; The period of rule of the Hungarian-Croatian king Louis Anjou (1342-1382) is considered by the historiography as a golden age of Croatian medieval history. Croatia and Slavonia regained connection with the Dalmatian towns and Dubrovnik for the first time became part of the Hungarian kingdom. The whole kingdom and especially towns on the eastern Adriatic coast went through a period of positive economic growth. After the death of the king Louis Anjou the situation in Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia changed. The question of legitimacy of king's rule appeared and dynastic and other political struggles intensified. In such situation it is interesting to follow the position of Dubrovnik as king's stronghold at the southernmost end of the kingdom. Dubrovnik led a balanced policy. It proclaimed its loyalty to the crown and then to the king with the legitimate right to carry St Stephen's crown. Leading circles in Dubrovnik were well aware of the positive side of king's supreme protection and they used this circumstance to widen town's autonomy, enlarge the territory under its control and achieve economic prosperity. Such relation toward the ruler later became part of the Dubrovnik's political ideology.