Menneskelige relationer som strategisk styringsredskab
In: Stat & styring, Band 25, Heft 4, S. 36-39
ISSN: 0809-750X
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In: Stat & styring, Band 25, Heft 4, S. 36-39
ISSN: 0809-750X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 68, Heft 2, S. 313-316
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 11, S. 19-21
ISSN: 2387-4562
On 23 January 2020, the Supreme Court of Sweden delivered an historic verdict in favour of the Girjas sameby in a lawsuit against the Swedish State over a long-standing dispute over the right to administer hunting and fishing rights in the Girjas land management area. Rooted in Sámi customary law, ILO Convention 169 and the UN Declaration of Indigenous Peoples, the verdict is a milestone in the development of Sámi law in Sweden. It may also have an impact on the other Nordic countries, in particular Norway.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 62, Heft 4, S. 499-515
ISSN: 0020-577X
The article discusses the African state, using Michael Mann's theory of state formation as a starting point. Mann describes state formation as a process through which society is gradually "caged in" by the state, establishing the state as the highest political authority & the final arbiter of conflict within its territory. I argue that African states have been unable to "cage in" their societies. On the one hand, this means that politics does not only consist in struggles about control over the state or the content of state politics. Instead, the state's right to formulate laws & policies that are binding for society as a whole is challenged. On the other hand, since the state is unable to control its borders, interstate relations also take a different form. Conflicts that start as civil wars tend to spread across borders, without any of the affected states being able to prevent it. As a result, the distinction between the internal & the external becomes blurred. 28 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 12, S. 56-79
ISSN: 2387-4562
For the first time in the Swedish Supreme Court, a small Sami reindeer herding community has won an important victory affirming the community's small game hunting and fishing rights. Because of protracted use and the concept of immemorial prescription, the Court recognised the community's exclusive hunting and fishing rights, including the right to lease these rights to others. Such leases have long been prohibited by legislation and the State has retained its powers to administer such leases. This case signifies a considerable development in the area of Sami law. In its decision, the Supreme Court made some adjustments to the age-old doctrine of immemorial prescription, and provided insights into how historic evidence should be evaluated when the claimant is an Indigenous people. A common motivator for these adjustments is an enhanced awareness of international standards protecting Indigenous peoples and minorities. Even ILO Convention No. 169 – the only legally binding convention concerning Indigenous rights, but which Sweden has not yet ratified – is relevant when it comes to evaluating Sami customary uses. The Court addressed the problem of gaps in the historical material and used evidence from other parts of Swedish Lapland and adjacent time-periods, making reasonable assumptions to fill in these gaps. The Court imposes on the State the burden of proof regarding the extinguishment of already established Sami rights, as well as proof that extinguishment by legislation or expropriation, is "clear and definitive". These conditions were not met in this case.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 63, Heft 1, S. 7-34
ISSN: 0020-577X
It is well established in International Relations that the modem state & the state system originated at the Peace of Westphalia (1648). In this article, the author argues that there is little evidence to support such an understanding, neither in the texts of the treaties nor in the political situation before or in the wake of 1648. Rather, the Peace of Westphalia can in many ways be understood to be a step backwards from a modem understanding of sovereignty (cuius regio, eius religio: whose region it is, his religion it is), which to some extent was represented in the Peace of Augsburg (1555). International Relations' understanding of the Peace of Westphalia is based on a mythical understanding of historical processes. Furthermore, the author argues, International Relations should abandon the mythical watershed which 1648 represents. However, instead of searching for another myth to explain the origin of its main object of study, one should instead re-conceptualise the discipline in a new & more dynamic way, taking into account the heterogeneous character of the international system. 60 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 72, Heft 1, S. 63-90
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 11, S. 360-382
ISSN: 2387-4562
New uncertainties in international relations have presented several states in the West with important choices regarding their national strategies for the Arctic. This article analyzes security challenges in the Arctic and North Atlantic region, as understood by some key North-Atlantic states, namely: the USA, Canada, Denmark, Norway, the UK, Germany and France. By analyzing how, or to what degree, the colder east-west security landscape since 2014 is reflected in these selected North Atlantic states' Arctic security strategies, this article seeks to improve our understanding of how the security situation in the northernmost part of the world is developing and being understood. Through applying a traditional understanding of security, the article identifies similarities but also significant differences among the Arctic and North-Atlantic states. Most notable when comparing the strategies is the rather unique global perspective laid out in the US security strategy for the region. The British, Norwegian, Danish and Canadian perspectives, on the other hand, stand out as more regional in nature. Germany displays a rather low profile in its approach to international security in the Arctic, considering its economic status in Europe. France reveals a strong concern for Arctic shipping and freedom of navigation, a perspective similar to the USA's, but with less global ambition.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 63, Heft 5, S. 517-538
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 67, Heft 2, S. 243-258
ISSN: 0020-577X
A theoretical discussion on the relationship between globalization and international norms and whether the economy could be reformed into a just and stable system. According to the neoliberal and structuralist rational choice theory, states try to maximize their own benefit, which in turn determines international norms. The constructivist model flags for a socially conditional rationality where these norms are based on ideas, values and cultures alone. A possible path to international institutional reform could be the United Nations whose economist and sociologists disused the market crisis as a system crisis. However, a real reform cannot take place before more powerful multinational institutions have been developed. L. Pitkaniemi
In: Annotated legal documents on Islam in Europe Volume 17
Status of religious communities -- Relations between the state and Islam -- State support for Islamic religious communities -- Muslims in integration law -- Mosques and prayer houses -- Burials and cemeteries -- Education -- Further and higher (tertiary) education -- Islamic chaplaincy in public institutions -- Employment and social law -- Islamic slaughter and food regulation -- Islamic goods and services -- Islamic dress -- Criminal law -- Family law
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 63, Heft 2-3, S. 279-296
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 72, Heft 1, S. 113-124
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 66, Heft 2-3, S. 319-348
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 62, Heft 1, S. 7-31
ISSN: 0020-577X
Norwegian foreign policy discourse is mainly based on the premise that Norway is a "small state." This insistence has linked it to another discourse within the IR community, namely small state literature. The author examines this tradition critically, emphasizing its main tenet: the significance of military power. Paradoxically, one might say, because this way of thinking presupposes a "great power" perspective. Small states have usually been regarded as too weak to influence world politics to any significant extent, but this view is only valid within a "Westphalian" political order. The article explores the various attempts of defining the small state, & the general perception of a specific small state behavior. These efforts, however, presuppose a kind of similarity between small states, which is not historically evident. Instead the author highlights the significance of studying small states more historically, taking into consideration the great variations between them. In recent years, the claim that there exists a universal small state behavior has been challenged by developments within the EU. This "post Westphalian" kind of political order demonstrates the way in which small states within the community now develop a new sense of "activism" & a new small state identity -- changes which add up to a radically new small state profile. 120 References. Adapted from the source document.