Suchergebnisse

The article deals with the complex and controversial problems of the new regional communities' formation and the impact of the interethnic relations sphere on them. The author notes that the processes of interaction between representatives of different cultures and civilizations, ethnic groups and religions have become increasingly controversial and tense in the context of continuous social dynamics. Similarly to the Russian society as a whole, regional communities are in a state of transitivity. They get transformed, they acquire new qualities such as multicasting and heterogeneity, multi-ethnicity and multi-confessionalism, fragmentarity and multiculturality.

This fact increases the risks and uncertainties, problematizes future prospects. National non-governmental organizations are increasingly positioning themselves as civil society institutions at the present stage of social development at the regional level. They perform a difficult dual task: on the one hand, they ensure the preservation and development of history, native language, culture, ethnic traditions, and on the other hand, they work on the integration, on the common identity and the Russian nation formation.

On the territory of the Volgograd region, largely due to the active cooperation of regional authorities and local authorities with national public associations, international and inter-confessional relations are stable. The basis of such activity is respect for history, native language, culture, tradition, religion, national dignity of all people in the region, regardless of their belonging to a certain ethnic group or religion. Over two decades of accumulated considerable experience of joint inter-ethnic dialogue and cooperation, provided tolerance and peace, harmony and mutual understanding between people of different ethnicities and religions in the country.

Статья посвящена современным проблемам формирования религиозной толерантности. Анализируются некоторые аспекты религиозной толерантности и межэтнических отношений в Узбекистане.Автор анализирует, механизмы формирования религиозной толерантности связанные со всей системой общественных отношений, с возможностью полноценной реализации конституционно-демократических прав и свобод, с уровнем духовной культуры личности и социума. Проводится анализ условий развития узбекской этноконфессиональной среды, выделяются векторы государственной политики в отношении данного феномена, определяется значение толерантности в отношении существующих конфессий для формирования конструктивного поля диалога.

Article on the use of the media of religious propaganda as newsworthy to attract the attention of readers. The author analyzes the goals, objectives and directions of state regulation of the media for the socialization of religious propaganda. Religion is considered in the article as an instrument of social control of citizen's behavior.

Tensions between the ruling regime and al-Azhar, Egypt's leading Islamic establishment, have raised questions about the nature of the relationship between the religious and political authorities in the country.

В статье исследуется процесс трансформации госу­дарственно-конфессиональных отношений в Республике Дагестан в постсоветские десятилетия. Автор отходит от привычных представ­лений о республике как поля боя между радикальными исламскими группировками, с одной стороны, и властно-силовыми структурами, с другой. Самой важной характеристикой эволюции государственно-­конфессиональных отношений Дагестана можно считать трехступенчатую трансформацию по следующей линии: от религиозно-политической поляризации 1990-х гг. до практик «антитеррора» 2000-х гг. и далее к современной стабилизации общественно-политической ситуации в республике. Религиозно-политическая консолидация, к которой республиканское общество шло последние 7-8 лет, самым благотворным образом ска­залась на развитии всех религиозных общин Республики Дагестан.

Возросшая значимость религиозного фактора, влияющего на различные стороны общественной жизни, на сегодняшний день сделала его актуальным для научных исследований. А взаимосвязь с политической историей России поставила его в один ряд с наиболее сложными и приоритетными направлениями в конфессиональной политике государства, в том числе подвела и к переосмыслению политики России в национальных регионах. Особый интерес в данной плоскости для нас представляют вопросы, связанные с взаимоотношением официальной власти и православных организаций в поликонфессиональных регионах с преобладанием мусульманского населения, в частности в Дагестане. Отсутствие исследовательских исторических интерпретаций об истории православных организаций в переходный и постсоветский периоды делает заявленную тему актуальной для выявления и введения в научный оборот конкретного материала, который может дать регионоведение. Исходя из вышесказанного, в предлагаемой статье впервые в региональной историографии делается попытка рассмотреть трансформационные процессы в общественно-политической обстановке страны в переходный период и первое постсоветское десятилетие (1985–1997 г.) и их влияние на развитие православной религии, христианских верующих и духовенство в Дагестане.

В результате проведенного исследования авторы приходят к выводу о подспудном процессе возрождения православия в республике на фоне общего духовного кризиса в стране в переходный период истории, обусловленный продолжающейся политикой «государственного атеизма». Атеистическое мировоззрение руководящих органов зачастую влияло на процесс выстраивания взаимоотношений с религиозными организациями и характеризовалось как «двусмысленное». Религиозный ренессанс в первой половине 1990-х гг. в Дагестане имел свои локальные особенности, обусловленные ухудшением общественно-политического фона республики, и сопровождался факторами, негативно влияющими на положение православия в республике.

Вклад авторов: О.Б. Халидова – идея, обзор литературы и источников, интерпретация данных, написание статьи и внесение принципиальных изменений в текст, одобрение окончательной версии; Г.Ф. Гебеков – анализ и интерпретация данных социологического опроса, внесение принципиальных изменений в результаты опроса.

Recent years have seen the possibility of introducing into scientific circulation declassified documents of the highest state and political bodies, public organizations, and the spiritual directorates of Muslims, which until now were unknown in wide circles. They allow us to examine the forms and methods of activity of the Soviet state in building relationships with Muslims and to identify the directions, principles, and features of the work of state and public organizations in this sphere. A characteristic feature of religious policy in the late 1960s, one of the main conductors of which was the Council for Religious Affairs under the USSR Council of Ministers, established in December 1965, was the creation of a picture of the harmony of religious life and prosperity of religious organizations in the country. The Soviet Union demonstrated to the world that Soviet Muslims, like their coreligionists from other states, could go on Hajj to Saudi Arabia. The quantity of Hajj travelers from the USSR was extremely small and there was a huge disproportion not only between them and the number of Muslims who wanted to perform Hajj but also between the number of applications received by the organizers of the Hajj and the authorities, including the Council for Religious Affairs. At the same time, the heads of Muslim spiritual administrations could travel to Hajj several times. Analysis of archival documents discovered in 2022 showed the attitude to Muslims who made the Hajj from several angles: from the Soviet state, ordinary Muslims of the USSR, the authorities and Muslims of the countries visited by Soviet pilgrims during their journey, such as Sudan and Egypt. Very revealing is the attitude towards the Soviet pilgrims from the inhabitants of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, ranging from ordinary people to the authorities, including the king.

This article touches upon the world-scale policy which is being carried on providing tolerance and tranquility, plus accomplishing international political-legal basis, as well as effective cooperation and international initiatives of Uzbekistan with UNESCO

This paper deals with the dynamics of changes in relations between followers of Christianity and Islam in Egypt since the 1970s. The relevance of our research consists in the fact that the aforementioned world religions play a significant role in the formation of Egyptians' mindset and the predestination of their behavior. The novelty of the topic is associated with the attempt to speak about the problem of interfaith relations in the light of main "players' view". The list of players includes the State, the Coptic Orthodox Church, the Muslim Brotherhood Movement and other Islamic institutions under presidential control. The research is aimed at analyzing the interfaith relations in Egypt over the last fifty years in order to determine their current status. To achieve this goal, we consistently solved a number of tasks. At first, we found out prerequisites of problem's emergence, then we described interests of each group, considered their activity and made general implications. Methods: For complex study of the role of the State and religious structures, we have applied an institutional research method. A historical and a system method allowed us to comprehend a genesis of the question and show how internal and external factors affect these institutions. Results: We've made the conclusion that the main impact on interfaith relations was made by authoritarian leader who specified their evolution in a favorable way for him. The official Islamic clerics get benefits from the President and therefore do not criticize his power. The Coptic Orthodox Church also collaborates with the State under the threat of terroristic attacks. The Muslim Brotherhood Movement shows independent views, so it can condemn or support President's decisions based on their vision of the role of religion in the country. Thus, in the 21st century, the choice between Secularization and Islamization will became principal for Egypt's development.

Identity in modern sociocultural discourse is one of the most actual issues that affects at epistemological, cultural and social processes. Variability, pluralism and the changing nature of the conditions in which the individual acts create certain models for choice. The problem of selfdetermination of an individual in such ambiguous discourse is put forward on one of the first plans of philosophical themes of the present day. The analysis of identity allows defining and explaining the changes in the social and personal aspects of self-determination of a person. Religion is the main factor of the individual's identity, which creates the feeling that the world really is what it seems. Representatives of a religious minority have an additional element of solidarity based on isolation from representatives of the titular denomination of a certain region. In this article, an attempt has been made to comprehend the mechanisms for constructing the identity of representatives of progressive Judaism in Russia (on the example of the community of Le-dor Va-dor in Moscow). Analysis of the design of the identity of representatives of progressive Judaism allows us to identify the most significant constants in the ways of identifying a person in a multi-confessional modern society. The mere fact of the existence in Russia of progressive Judaism gives rise to the formation of specifically separate relationships between representatives of different currents of Judaism. In the religious space of the city of Moscow, the progressive community of Judaism occupies a significant place among the Jewish population, which, due to the processes of globalization, increasingly turns to religion as a factor of referring itself to a certain community. The strategy of building an identity by the progressive community of Judaism in Moscow shows that the community as a public institution based on the reproduction of established traditions takes its own specific features. The mechanisms of constructing religious identity within the framework of the community under consideration became the basis for group consolidation and acquired the status of significant for each individual within this community. This local version of progressive Judaism is largely different from the Western version and has its own specific features.

Изучение религиозно-политических установок молодежи на общероссийском и региональном уровне всегда имеет повышенный исследовательский интерес. Статья написана на основе полученных результатов массового политолого-социологического опроса среди молодого поколения (от 18 до 25 лет) Республики Дагестан в 2017 г., который охватил 1 220 респондентов. Опрос проводился по всему Дагестану, среди городской и сельской молодежи мужского и женского пола. В проведенном исследовании затронуты вопросы оценки религиозного возрождения, характеристики религиозной ситуации в Дагестане, обострения религиозной обстановки в республике, предпочтительность молодежи общественному и государственному устройству, ориентированности контактов с исламскими государствами, отношения молодежи к ИГИЛ и вероятность участия дагестанской молодежи в рядах ИГИЛ/ДАИШ и других религиозно-террористических организациях, отношения молодежи к военным действиям России в отношении ИГИЛ в Сирии, источников получения религиозной информации, отражения религиозного компонента на межнациональную сферу.

The subject of this article is S.L. Frank's participation in the creation and work of the Saint Petersburg Religious and philosophical society and the evolution of his worldview in the confrontation between the cognitive-objectivist rationalist system of consciousness of S.L. Frank and the romantic subjectivism of the «new religious consciousness», represented by D.S. Merezhkovsky, D.V. Filosofov and other ideologists of «neo-Christianity». The source of the opposition is called a different understanding of the absolute and its regulatory role in relation to reality, which was expressed – on the one hand-in the religious individualism of S.L. Frank and on the other hand-in the «religious community» of the ideologists of the «new religious consciousness». The article States that S.L. Frank's reflection on solving these problems in the Religious and philosophical society took place in the atmosphere of theoretical disputes caused by three events in the philosophical and religious and social life of Russia in 1910: discussion of the ideas of pragmatism, polemics about the specifics of philosophy in connection with the appearance of the Russian edition of Logos and the death of Leo Tolstoy. It is emphasized that the participation of S.L. Frank's understanding of these events was reflected in the movement of his thought from idealism to ontology of the «first philosophy», the expression of which was the work «the Subject of knowledge». It is noted that the «frame work» of this movement of S.L. Frank was set by the development of the scientific and philosophical and poetic heritage of I.V. Goethe. The article shows how the ideological evolution of S.L. Frank is fixed in his personal religious life. In conclusion, the author joins the assessment of the role of S.L. Frank in the religious and social movement in Russia at the beginning of the twentieth century, given by N.A. Berdyaev: S.L. Frank brings «clarity, freedom and quiet harmony» to it.

Non-religious diversity is growing in the world nowadays. In the current context it is understood not as a diversity of faiths, religions, non-religions, etc., but as a variety of types of non-religious consciousness and categories of non-religious identity. The article covers only a few aspects of this vast topic. First, the theoretical prerequisites and substantiations for the change in the Western non-religious identity taking place during the transition from the Westphalian to the post-Westphalian system of religious governance and the emergence of a special type of pluralism that is formed in the process of dedifferentiation of religion, globalization and the transformation of the "religion of place and nation" into a transnational religion "without place and nation", when the ratio of religious, spiritual and secular in the mind of a postmodern person changes. Second, the author analyses the origins and causes of this transformation of non-religious consciousness in the "long 1960s". Third, the author traces the evolution of such types of non-religious diversity as "spiritual but not religious", "none" and "post-protestants" and the concept of "spirituality" that connects them. The category "spiritual but not religious", sometimes perceived as dubious and unconvincing, appearing in the context of countercultural spirituality, in the author´s opinion, is very important for understanding Western, especially American irreligiousness in general and the processes taking place today in particular. The processes that are associated with the growth of "none" and the proliferation of "post-Protestants" related to the Woke culture, who claim the role of "saviours of humanity", attaching more importance to the "new post-Protestant ethics" (rather than religion and tradition), seeking to politicise religion, to sacralise politics, race and gender relations. Rejecting the "old religion" and proclaiming a "new ethics", moving from the ideals of diversity, universal tolerance and political correctness to "militant moralism and cruel dogmatism", they confirm the idea of "complex irreligiousness" in the era of "late modernity", that seems to be a sign of the times and requires close attention of scientists.

Interstate relations between the countries of the South Caucasus and the Middle East strongly perceive the religious and ethnic factor. The conflict between the religious areas of Sunni and Shiya affects the relations between Turkey, Iran, Azerbaijan, and Saudi Arabia. In this process, the Turkic community brings Turkey, Azerbaijan, and Kazakhstan closer. Israel in its regional policy supports anti-Shiite forces. ; Կրոնական և էթնիկական գործոնները շատ կարևոր են Հարավային Կովկասի և Մերձավոր Արևելքի միջպետական հարաբերություններում: Իսլամում սունի և շիա հակասությունն ազդում է Թուրքիայի, Իրանի, Ադրբեջանի և Սաուդյան Արաբիայի հարաբերությունների վրա: Այս դիմակայության ընթացքում թյուրքական համայնքը մերձեցնում է Թուրքիան, Ադրբեջանը և Ղազախստանը: Իսրայելն, իր հերթին, աջակցում է հակաշիական ուժերին իր տարածաշրջանային քաղաքականության մեջ: ; В межгосударсвенных отношениях Южного Кавказа и Ближнего Востока весьма важен религиозный и этнический фактор. Кофликт между суннизмом и шиизмом в исламе влияет на отношения между Турцией, Ираном, Азрбайджаном и Саудовской Аравией. В этом противостоянии тюркская общность сближает Турцию, Азербайджан и Казахстан. Израиль же в своей региональной политике поддерживает антишиитские силы.

International audience ; Factor of Religious and Ethnic Community in the Regional Political Processes.-Interstate relations between the countries of the South Caucasus and the Middle East strongly perceive the religious and ethnic factor. The conflict between the religious areas of Sunni and Shiya affects the relations between Turkey, Iran, Azerbaijan, and Saudi Arabia. In this process, the Turkic community brings Turkey, Azerbaijan, and Kazakhstan closer. Israel in its regional policy supports anti-Shiite forces. ; Фактор религиозной и этнической общности в региональных политических процессах.-В межгосударсвенных отношениях Южного Кавказа и Ближнего Востока весьма важен религиозный и этнический фактор. Кофликт между суннизмом и шиизмом в исламе влияет на отношения между Турцией, Ираном, Азрбайджаном и Саудовской Аравией. В этом противостоянии тюркская общность сближает Турцию, Азербайджан и Казахстан. Израиль же в своей региональной политике поддерживает антишиитские силы. Ключевые слова: религиозная и этническая общность, Южный Кавказ, Ближный Восток, региональная политика, конфликт суннитов и шиитов, этническая и религиозная дискриминация