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Academic and policy debates on migration and refugee 'crises' across the world have yet to fully engage with the importance of cross-border population mobility for states' diplomatic strategies. This article sets forth the concept of 'migration diplomacy' as an object of analysis for academics and practitioners alike, distinguishing it from other forms of migration-related policies and practices. It draws on realist approaches in International Relations to identify how the interests and power of state actors are affected by their position in migration systems, namely the extent to which they are migration-sending, migration-receiving, or transit states. The article then discusses how migration issues connect with other areas of state interest and diplomacy, including security interests, economic interests and issues of identity, soft power and public diplomacy. Finally, the article suggests the utility of applying a rationalist framework based on states' interests in absolute vs. relative gains as a means of examining the bargaining strategies used by states in instances of migration diplomacy.

Political realists claim that international relations are in a state of anarchy, and therefore every state is allowed to disregard its moral duties towards other states and their inhabitants. Realists argue that complying with moral duties is simply too risky for a state's national security. Political moralists convincingly show that realists exaggerate both the extent of international anarchy and the risks it poses to states who act morally. Yet moralists do not go far enough, since they do not question realism's normative core: the claim that when national security is really at risk, states are allowed to disregard their moral duties. I contend that there is at least one moral duty that states should not disregard even if their inhabitants are at risk of death by military aggression: the duty to reduce extreme global poverty. The reason is that even granting that national security is about securing individuals' right to life, global poverty relief is about that as well.

Political realists claim that international relations are in a state of anarchy, and therefore every state is allowed to disregard its moral duties towards other states and their inhabitants. Realists argue that complying with moral duties is simply too risky for a state's national security. Political moralists convincingly show that realists exaggerate both the extent of international anarchy and the risks it poses to states who act morally. Yet moralists do not go far enough, since they do not question realism's normative core: the claim that when national security is really at risk, states are allowed to disregard their moral duties. I contend that there is at least one moral duty that states should not disregard even if their inhabitants are at risk of death by military aggression: the duty to reduce extreme global poverty. The reason is that even granting that national security is about securing individuals' right to life, global poverty relief is about that as well.

Until recently, the spread of "right-to-work" (RTW) legislation formed a fairly dormant chapter in the history of labor relations and state policy. By the conventional narrative, the state-by-state adoption of RTW rules represented a key front of postwar anti-union politics, helping to establish an uneven geography of workplace regulations, possibly contributing to the shift of manufacturing to the Sunbelt, and undermining union-dense production sectors in the Northeast and Midwest. However, this once largely closed episode of economic restructuring has re-opened with three Midwestern states adopting RTW over the past three years and a broader uptick in related legislation in other states. Focusing on one new front of anti-union legislative campaigns, this report examines the emergence of RTW law as a viable option for local governments. Beyond probing the limits of federal regulations, local RTW's circulation as a flexible policy concept strategically exploits political and economic factors at the local scale that differ from the "rules of the game" established at the state level.

The cooperation of the Council of the Baltic Sea States, which was established on 5–6 March 1992, to a large extent is based on the activity of various international, local, governmental and non-governmental organisations that function in the Member States to the CBSS. Annual Ministerial Sessions and Summits serve the purpose of maintaining relations of the states in the region and help to create a foundation for cooperation. As it was proved in practice, the sessions are also a forum for discussion for the EU Member States and a place where common goals and approaches to economic and political challenges are identified. The course of the sessions proves that the implementation of the Copenhagen Declaration of 1992, which was at the foundation of CBSS, has furthered understanding and trust between the states in the region. The documents passed at the end of each Ministerial Session provide political guidance for broadening cooperation between the Member States of the Council.

AbstractScholars debate whether Eurocentric theories of International Relations (IR) offer useful explanations of African international politics. They also debate the applicability of Eurocentric theories of state making for understanding African state making in the post-colonial era. I argue that theories like realism and war-and-state-making appear inconsistent with African political reality because when IR scholars apply these theories to Africa, they study the wrong actors. The 'right' actors for understanding these theories include not only the official states IR scholars traditionally analyse, but also all of the autonomous political entities that control territory, possess military resources, and struggle to survive under anarchy. I substantiate my claims about the usefulness and necessity of expanding the roster of actors studied with an historical narrative of the first six years of Congo's independence. During this time six autonomous political entities, in addition to the one official state, warred with each other, allied with each other, and struggled to make states.

The events of September 11 left an indelible mark on the world. It made transnational terrorism a reality for states and societies alike. It raised new questions and resurfaced old ones regarding international security and state-to-state relations. September 11 also left a lasting impact on Muslim communities around the world including in Southeast Asia. Muslims were faced with renewed questions about their religion and of their relationship to the state. Muslim politics became increasingly a horizontal contestation of meanings and representations as well as a vertical negotiation with the secular state. This article looks at the trajectory of Muslim politics in Southeast Asia after the events of 9/11. It argues that Muslim politics in Southeast Asia had become more complex and dense prior to September 11 2001. However, 9/11 has complicated this process by directing state policies in a singular direction. It suggests that an increasingly centralized and coercive approach to Muslim politics will, in fact, undermine the very objective of dampening international Islamic terrorism. (Pac Rev/DÜI)

This paper seeks to clarify the relationship between explanations of the role of the state in Britain, and theoretical traditions in the analysis of sport. It characterises the role of the state as dominated by four chronologically ordered rationales, traditional pluralism, welfare reformism, anti-managerialism, and neo-liberalism. The paper traces the material conditions which have mediated state-sport relations and which have also provided the context for theoretical accounts of the nature of sport. British sociology of sport is characterised as falling predominantly into four major traditions, British empiricism, cultural studies, feminist studies, and figurational sociologies. Although these form no one- to-one relationship with changing state rationales, each of the traditions has contributed to a critical reflection on the role of the state, and state policies invariably reflect some of the implicit premises of these sociological critiques. The paper seeks to identify some of these shared premises and to highlight the strengths and weaknesses of the theoretical traditions.

Until recently, there has been little concrete evidence linking the American Federation of Labor (AFL) to the U.S. government's Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in the late 1940s and early 1950s. In this book, based upon recently opened archival collections, the author investigates this controversial and complicated early Cold War relationship. Contrary to arguments that the AFL's international activities were entirely controlled by the U.S. government to the detriment of the independent international labor movement, or that the AFL acted on its own without government involvement to foster le

"Der Beitrag betont die immense Bedeutung einer engen informellen Zusammenarbeit zwischen Betriebsräten und Gewerkschaften für ein befriedigendes Funktionieren des deutschen Institutionensystems industrieller Beziehungen. Empirisch zeigt sich dieser Zusammenhang in schlagender Weise am ostdeutschen Negativbeispiel erodierender Geltungskraft des Flächentarifvertrags. Im Rahmen einer Typologie der Beziehungsmuster zwischen ostdeutschen Betriebsräten und Gewerkschaften wird belegt, dass nur in einer Minderheit der ostdeutschen Betriebe eine arbeitsteilige 'Verschränkung' des Betriebsrats- und Gewerkschaftshandelns existiert - und damit eine stabile Ankopplung an das Tarifsystem; in einer deutlichen Mehrheit der Betriebe finden sich hingegen defizitäre Beziehungsmuster der 'Abhängigkeit', 'Entkopplung' oder 'Distanz'. Die empirisch gewonnene Typologie basiert auf Interviews mit tariflichen und betrieblichen ExpertInnen der ostdeutschen Metall-, Bau- und Chemieindustrie. Die Erkenntnis, wonach die Kooperation zwischen Betriebsräten und Gewerkschaften als neuralgischer Punkt des Tarifsystems aufzufassen ist, ist auch für die westdeutsche Situation von Bedeutung, da sich auch hier eine schleichende Tendenz zur Entkopplung zwischen betrieblicher und gewerkschaftlicher Regulierungsebene feststellen lässt." (Autorenreferat)

Recognition of the independence of Texas. Reports, incidents and various accounts to the government of the United States of America. Yucatan Governor Miguel Barbachano, announces that the Americans have taken over the Isla del Carmen, which has lost support from the State. p. 1-7 Texas Independence. General correspondence during the years 1846-1847. p. 8-11. Decree from the Supreme Commander of the Army: Joseph M. Salas, on trade with the United States and on places occupied by the enemy. p. 12-13. Newsletter containing various answers from the legislative bodies of the government of the State of Mexico on questions relating to the war against the invaders. p. 14-24. Report given to the government of Yucatán, explaining why two individuals left and gave information to the commander of U.S. forces. p. 25-29. General Ventura Mora, commanding general of Sinaloa, announced that they found no enemy ships along the coast and that Rafael de la Vega has been appointed governor. p. 30-31 The legislatures of Tamaulipas ask the general government for resources to repel the invaders. p. 32-42. The Governor of Durango reports on the movements of the military forces of the State. p. 43-45 Commission given to Mr. Joaquín del Castillo, Lazas Manuel Larrainzar and Juan de la Granja to study personal files relating to Texas. p. 46-56. The government of Tamaulipas has moved to the town of Tula due to the occupation of enemy forces in Ciudad Victoria. p. 57-59 General Francisco de Garay, commander of Huejutla requests instructions from the central government. p. 60-72. Correspondence with the government of Nuevo Leon, related to the war against the United States. p. 73-93. The government of San Luis Potosi asks for the money back it gave to the Northern Army for war expenses, the request was made through personal correspondence. p. 94-97. The War Department inserted an official response from General Santa Anna regarding questions made by the commander of Durango concerning the approved legislative measures that he is able to carry out in defense of the state. p. 98-102. The Minister of War reports that the states of Puebla and Veracruz, both situated in Jalapa, have forces of a 1,000 men and 2,500 men respectively to help beat the invaders. p. 103-113. A review of the political state of the Republic at the time of the invasion for Mexican diplomats abroad. p. 114-119. The Minister of War orders the military commander of Mexico to organize a body under General Romulo Diaz de la Vega, to march against the invaders at Veracruz. p. 120-127 Decree from the temporary Congress making available the National Guard of the States and Territories of the Federation during the war with the United States. p. 128-129. Information given to the governors regarding the national guard forces at their disposal. p. 130-168. The Minister of War has ordered the Governor of Mexico to have 1,000 men available for reserves. P. 169-171. Pio Pico, Governor of the Californias, commissioned Jose Matias Moreno to work with the central government on how to get resources to repel American invaders. p. 172-182 The Government of San Luis Potosi relates complaints from the neighboring area of Real de Catorce against the General of the Northern Army: Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, who imposed a loan upon on them without the knowledge of their own local authorities. p. 183-190. The Governor of Jalisco, reports that Americans have been trying to occupy the Pacific ports and orders garrisons at the ports San Blas and Manzanillo. p. 191-208. 300 National Guardsmen from Guanajuato are ordered to go to Mazatlan and restore order. p. 209- 213. The Vice-Consul of Lima, recounts actions taken in Monterrey against the invaders. p. 214-216. Defensive plan from General Isidro Reyes to prevent the enemy from taking possession of Durango Zacatecas penetrating the interior. p. 217-230

The year 2015 was a paradoxical one for Luxembourg. Its first half saw the government carrying its task of 'nation branding', trying to change its image (of tax haven and socially conservative policies) with a step toward a greater separation between church and state, several potential constitutional reforms aimed at a more inclusive democracy, and more indirectly through Prime Minister Bettel, who married his male companion less than a year after the adoption of gay marriage in the Grand-Duchy. Popular resentment regarding the exclusion of the Christian Social People's Party (CSV) from government still loomed large, and partially explained the disastrous defeat of a consultative referendum for the tripartite coalition.