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Parties and Representative Government
In: Political Parties and Democratic Linkage, S. 3-26
Comparative and representative government – theory
In: Politics, S. 187-198
Consent and Competence in Representative Government
In: Science in Democracy, S. 65-92
Government Formation and Democratic Representation
In: Political Parties and Democratic Linkage, S. 160-192
Comparative and representative governments – the West
In: Politics, S. 199-217
Comparative and representative governments – the East
In: Politics, S. 218-227
Of Federal Representative Governments
In: Theories of Federalism: A Reader, S. 165-172
Monumental Representations of Government
In: A Companion to Ancient Greek Government, S. 417-431
From Representative to Responsive Government?
In: Elitism, Populism, and European Politics, S. 88-99
Parties and Government: Features of Governing in Representative Democracies
In: Handbook of Party Politics, S. 160-174
Party government and women's representation debates: the UK
In: State Feminism and Political Representation, S. 216-238
The Belgian Permanent Representation to the European Union: Mailbox, Messenger, or Representative?
In: The National Co-ordination of EU Policy, S. 191-210
John Stuart Mill, Considerations on Representative Government, London 1861
In: Schlüsselwerke der Politikwissenschaft, S. 290-294
What Does a Representative Do? Descriptive Representation in Communicative Settings of Distrust, Uncrystallized Interests, and Historically Denigrated Status
Argues that descriptive representatives (persons who typify the larger class of the people they stand for) are better able to serve their constituents in situations of communicative distrust or uncrystallized interests. The functions & benefits of descriptive representation are examined. Contexts in which communication between representative & constituents is likely to be undermined by mistrust are described, along with circumstances in which horizontal communication among representatives serves to crystallize legislative issues. It is maintained that there are two forms of descriptive representation: the "microcosmic" form, in which the entire assembly is designed to form a representative sample of the electorate; & the "selective" form, in which institutional design is intended to give selected legislative groups greater descriptive representation in order to bring proportions of those groups closer to their percentages in the population. The costs & benefits of both forms are analyzed. It is concluded that descriptive representation is not always necessary & should be evaluated in terms of whether the benefits exceed the costs. J. Lindroth