Uses empirical data to scrutinize whether representation has been diminished by keeping a ceiling on the number of seats available in the House and argues that it is the time for the House to be increased in order to better represent a rapidly growing country.
This book examines the nature of representation in democracy, focusing on constituent evaluations of Congress members and the implications these results have on citizens' influence on government. This analysis elaborates on the complex relationship citizens have with their representatives, shedding light on the constituent perspective in two ways. First, the model unpacks the rarely-examined evaluation process, a lynchpin in the representational relationships between member behavior and elections. Second, it engages a broader perspective of representative responsiveness which includes the intangible aspect of symbolic responsiveness, an under-studied component of research within comprehensive assessments of representation. "Constituent Perceptions of Political Representation" shows that symbolic responsiveness is often the most influential factor affecting constituent evaluations while also posing significant questions about the basis of our democracy: if we are dissatisfied with the caliber of our government, do we acknowledge our role as citizens in setting poor or vague standards? Why are we dismayed when representatives give us what we ask for? Robin M. Lauermann addresses these questions in a comprehensive and readable work that will appeal to students and scholars interested in the unique, ever-important relationship between public opinion and Congressional outcomes
The theory of representative bureaucracy suggests that a demographically diverse public sector workforce (passive representation) will lead to policy outcomes that reflect the interests of all groups represented, including historically disadvantaged communities (active representation). Implicit in the passive-active link is the expectation that minority public administrators, in particular, will have similar attitudes to minority citizens on issues of critical import and relevance to those citizens, and those attitudes, in turn, will influence policy decisions. This research examines the attitudes of citizens and administrators on a series of survey items focused on the responsibilities of local government administrators to advocate for the interests of the African-American community. The survey results confirm the hypothesis that African-American citizens and administrators are more likely than white citizens and administrators to support governmental behaviors that specifically target the interests of the African-American community and that African-American citizens and administrators hold markedly different attitudes from white administrators. Most significantly, attitude congruence with the views of African-American citizens by administrators is shown to be a significant predictor of the adoption of an African-American representative administrative role, overwhelming the influence of other variables including race. Adapted from the source document.
"How does representative government function when public administration can reshape democracy? The traditional narrative of public administration balances the accountability of managers - a problem of control - with the need for effective administration - a problem of capability. The discretion modern governments give to administrators allows them to make trade-offs among democratic values. This book challenges the traditional view with its argument that the democratic values of administration should complement the democratic values of the representative government within which it operates. Control, capability, and value reinforcement can render public administration into democracy administered. This book offers a novel framework for empirically and normatively understanding how democratic values have, and should be, reinforced by public administration. Bertelli's theoretical framework provides a guide for managers and reformers alike to chart a path toward democracy administered."--
Is President George W. Bush, by democratic standards, a good or a bad representative? Who is a better representative according to democratic standards: former Rep. Tom Delay or Senator Hilary Clinton? Political theorists typically remain silent about the proper standards that democratic citizens should use for selecting their representatives. In "The Good Representative," Suzanne Dovi argues that democratic citizens should evaluate their representatives using democratic criteria. In doing so, she provides an account of what it means to represent in a democratic fashion as well as a framework within which citizens can assess the democratic credentials of their representatives. For Dovi, good democratic representatives manifest three virtues: they must be fair-minded, build critical trust, and be good gatekeepers. Arguing that democratic representation, even good democratic representation, is not always desirable, this provocative book also prompts us to think about how democratic representation can be a tool of liberation or a tool of domination.; This timely book articulates, for the first time, a normative framework within which democratic citizens can fruitfully proceed in assessing their representatives as democratic representatives
The Representative Claim is set to transform our core assumptions about what representation is and can be. At a time when political representation is widely believed to be in crisis, the book provides a timely and critical corrective to conventional wisdom on the present and potential future of representative democracy.
Intro -- The End of Representative Politics -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- 1 Contours of a 'Crisis' -- 2 Locating 'Representative Politics' -- 3 Are We Becoming Unrepresentable? -- 4 Is the Party Over? -- 5 Citizens against Representation -- 6 Democracy after Representation -- Notes -- References -- INDEX.
"Serial no. 108-218." ; Shipping list no.: 2005-0085-P. ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.
Through six articles written at intervals of about a decade between 1960 and 2020, this book provides an account of the author's developing political awareness during the period in the context of political events and changes. In this way the book illustrates the social origins of political attitudes, while, at the same time, the articles raise questions about the increasing dominance of political discourse in society. The book suggests that politics is now excessively managed by political professionals and that the challenge for reviving democratic participation is to restore the social dimension of state membership.
Cover -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of figures -- List of tables -- List of contributors -- Introduction: the challenges to the European representation system - away from the 'old normal'? -- Away from the 'old normal'? -- The serial challenges to the fabric of the European Union -- The European representation system and its current configuration. The relationship between EU authority and national authority under stress. Some hypotheses -- This book -- Notes -- References -- Chapter 1: The changing political landscape in Europe -- The information technology revolution and the rise of a new cleavage -- Expectations -- Data and measurement -- Are political parties socially structured? -- Is voting socially structured? -- Voter volatility -- Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- Chapter 2: The impact of Eurosceptic challenger parties of the left and right on party competition over Europe -- Introduction -- State of the art: Eurosceptic challenger parties and party competition in and over Europe -- The rise of Eurosceptic challenger parties and party-based Euroscepticism -- How do (Eurosceptic) challenger parties affect party competition in and over Europe? -- Theoretical expectations: how do Eurosceptic parties -- Data and variables -- Analyses -- Conclusions and perspectives -- Appendix -- Notes -- References -- Chapter 3: Who is to blame for European crises? -- Introduction -- Blaming the EU in a crisis context -- Data and methods -- Analysis and discussion -- Conclusions -- Appendix -- Notes -- References -- Chapter 4: Crisis and the complex path of burden-sharing in the EU -- Introduction -- Sharing the burden in the EU: between cost-benefit and solidarity-based logics -- The role of context in explaining support for burden-sharing -- Linking sovereignism and solidarity.