L'article examine les particularités du mouvement républicain dans les régions méridionales de l'Italie et souligne que tout au long du xixe siècle, ce mouvement a eu de longues périodes de difficultés ponctuées de brefs moments d'intensité. Le précédent créé par la République napolitaine de 1799 n'a pas eu beaucoup d'incidence et, jusqu'en 1848, le patriotisme méridional, tout en ayant une place centrale dans le mouvement risorgimental, a pris une dimension constitutionnelle et monarchique qui excluait toute possibilité de succès pour le mazzinianisme. La défaite de Pisacane à Sapri confirme que ce n'est qu'en 1860 et avec l'expédition garibaldienne que s'ouvre une période républicaine dans le Sud de l'Italie. Toutefois, dans les années qui suivent immédiatement l'Unité, le drame du brigandage d'un côté, et l'échec de la bataille de l'Aspromonte de l'autre minèrent gravement les potentialités du républicanisme méridional, qui tâtonna jusqu'à la fin du siècle. Il ne reprit de la vigueur qu'avec les figures de Colajanni et Salvemini, dans un cadre social et politique profondément changé.
The author investigates the origin and development of the concept of liberty and its special meaning in the Republican tradition of political thought. The origin of the Western concept of liberty lies in ancient Greece, in the opposition between liberty and slavery conceived after the liberation of Athens from tyranny and the victory over the Persian empire. The author then investigates the Republican notion of liberty that originates in ancient Rome and reaches its peak with Cicero. This conception of liberty emphasizes self-government and partecipation in common deliberation and runs through Western political thought up to Rousseau, Tocqueville and the authors of the Federalist Papers.
Il lavoro analizza le principali vicende biografiche di Alberico Gentili, dalle convinzioni religiose all'esilio religionis causa in Inghilterra, dove divenne professore regio di diritto civile ad Oxford, intrattenendo stretti rapporti politici e culturali con Philip Sidney, Walsingham e l'Essex. Il focus si sposta, nell'ambito dello scambio culturale tra Italia ed Inghilterra durante l'età rinascimentale, sui legami tra Alberico Gentili, stampatori inglesi e esuli italiani, tra i quali rilievo particolare spetta a Giacomo Castelvetro. Il lavoro si focalizza poi sul contributo gentiliano al superamento della guerra giusta e all'affermazione del principio della guerra legittima, priva di un carattere discriminatorio, così come teorizzato nel De iure belli. Elemento centrale del lavoro è l' elogio gentiliano dei Discorsi di Machiavelli, che ha dato vita ad un dibattito storiografico sull'adesione o meno di Gentili al paradigma del repubblicanesimo classico. Il lavoro indaga in questo senso, valutando l'opera gentiliana su un continuum, sospeso tra simpatie repubblicane e necessità di un potere assoluto per la difesa della comunità politica. La fortuna di Alberico Gentili viene riletta secondo una triangolazione culturale tra la patria natale italiana, la patria elettiva inglese e la Germania, dove visse il fratello Scipione e vennero stampati numerose opere di Alberico. Si approfondisce in questo senso la recezione del suo lavoro giuridico nella coeva Inghilterra attraverso l'analisi dell'influenza gentiliana in Sutcliffe, Fulbecke e Shakespeare. Nella Germania del Seicento, in particolare in Christ e Conring, il profilo di Gentili che prevale è invece quello dell'interprete repubblicano del Machiavelli, del quale per primo legge l'opera come monito ai popoli affinché preservino la propria libertà dai tiranni. In Italia, un rilievo particolare al Gentili interprete obliquo del Machiavelli viene dai lavori di Lampredi e Giuseppe Galanti, sino al caso del futuro cardinale Antonelli che, durante la guerra di Successione austriaca, userà il De iure belli dell'eretico Gentili, la cui opera rimase all'Indice per secoli, come fonte d'autorità per legittimare la rivendicazione pontificia del Ducato di Parma e Piacenza. ; The PhD thesis analyses the most important biographical events of Alberico Gentili, starting from his religious etherodoxal beliefs until his flee – religionis causa – in England, where, through his relations with Philip Sidney, Walsingham and, later, the Earl of Essex, he was granted a seat as regius professor of Civil Law at Oxford. The work takes a look a the broader contest of anglo-italian cultural transition in the late Rinascimental age, focusing on the connections between Alberico Gentili, english printers and italian refugees among which Giacomo Castelvetro had a key role. In his masterpiece, De iure belli, Gentili makes obsolete the bellum iustum and replaces it with a legitimation of war which lays its foundations on the sovereignity of State. Another pivotal issue is the eulogy of Machiavelli's Discorsi that appears on De legationibus, in which Alberico draws an innovative interpretation of Machiavelli as a republicanist and a fierce enemy of tiranny. This passionate eulogy started a vivid debate about Gentili's republicanism. The thesis analize the debate putting Gentili's works on a continuum, suspended on the one hand, between simpathy for republicanism, and on the other hand, the urging necessity of an absolute power for the sake of the State. Gentili's fortune is another issue of the work, that points out to a cultural triangolation between England, Italy and Germany, where Alberico's younger brother Scipione edited several works of his eldest brother. The thesis focuses then on the reception of Gentili's juridical works on Sutcliffe, Fulbecke and Shakespeare, showing a clear influence of the italian jurist on the late Elizabethan age. The thesis shows that in Germany the reception of Gentili is much more focused, in the XVII century, about his republican reading of Machiavelli, notably this occurred in the works of Christ and Conring. In Italy a special place for the republican interpretation of Machiavelli made by Alberico, can be found in Lampredi and Galanti. A very important, and quite puzzling, case is that of the future cardinal Antonelli that uses authority of De iure belli, despite the fact that Gentili's opera omnia was at the Index of librorum prohibitorum, to legitimate Papal assertions over Parma and Piacenza during the war of Austrian Succession. ; Dottorato di ricerca in Storia dell'Europa XIV-XX secolo (XXVII ciclo)
This paper discusses Kant's dealing with a fundamental of modern politics, that is concept of sovereignty, as well as its own capacity to reshape political order. Overcoming failures and fallacies that traditionally such a concept has maintained, Kant's political philosophy focuses on the way to reach international peace institutionally. Starting from the discuss of contradiction in sovereignty, the paper points out the analogy between individuals and states; then, elements of Kant's cosmopolitan philosophy will be presented, which is assumed as a theory of a 'world republic'. Kant's project seeks to rewrite the modern state theory, defending individual rights, the rule of law and promoting republicanism, which is, according to him, a theory that shares state's powers and defends representation. Extending such a theory from domestic to the global sphere, Kant's final solution for a World Republic implies a change of paradigm (though not completely espounded), by which modern sovereignty gets reassessed into a blended institutionalized coercion that emphasizes vertical power-sharing, thanks to federalism. Accordingly, this model of supranational world republicanism seeks to realize a cosmopolitan way for the world order. L'articolo discute la relazione della filosofia politica di Kant con un concetto fondamentale della politica moderna, com'è quello di sovranità, così come la sua capacità di rimodellare l'ordine politico. Superando i problemi a cui quel concetto appare legato, la filosofia politica di Kant si concentra sulla modalità di raggiungere l'obiettivo della pace internazionale attraverso le istituzioni. Muovendo da una peculiare contraddizione della sovranità, il lavoro si sposta sull'analisi dell'analogia tra individui e stati, per mettere infine in luce gli elementi che fanno della filosofia politica kantiana una teoria della 'repubblica mondiale'. Tuttavia, la proposta kantiana in favore della repubblica mondiale impone al contempo un cambio di paradigma (per quanto non chiarito nella sua ...
This paper discusses Kant's dealing with a fundamental of modern politics, that is concept of sovereignty, as well as its own capacity to reshape political order. Overcoming failures and fallacies that traditionally such a concept has maintained, Kant's political philosophy focuses on the way to reach international peace institutionally. Starting from the discuss of contradiction in sovereignty, the paper points out the analogy between individuals and states; then, elements of Kant's cosmopolitan philosophy will be presented, which is assumed as a theory of a 'world republic'. Kant's project seeks to rewrite the modern state theory, defending individual rights, the rule of law and promoting republicanism, which is, according to him, a theory that shares state's powers and defends representation. Extending such a theory from domestic to the global sphere, Kant's final solution for a World Republic implies a change of paradigm (though not completely espounded), by which modern sovereignty gets reassessed into a blended institutionalized coercion that emphasizes vertical power-sharing, thanks to federalism. Accordingly, this model of supranational world republicanism seeks to realize a cosmopolitan way for the world order. L'articolo discute la relazione della filosofia politica di Kant con un concetto fondamentale della politica moderna, com'è quello di sovranità, così come la sua capacità di rimodellare l'ordine politico. Superando i problemi a cui quel concetto appare legato, la filosofia politica di Kant si concentra sulla modalità di raggiungere l'obiettivo della pace internazionale attraverso le istituzioni. Muovendo da una peculiare contraddizione della sovranità, il lavoro si sposta sull'analisi dell'analogia tra individui e stati, per mettere infine in luce gli elementi che fanno della filosofia politica kantiana una teoria della 'repubblica mondiale'. Tuttavia, la proposta kantiana in favore della repubblica mondiale impone al contempo un cambio di paradigma (per quanto non chiarito nella sua ...
From the very first pages of the Theological-political Treatise, Spinoza deals with the issue of prophecy with a clear purpose, that is to expunge any possible relation between prophetical language and godly transcendence, in order to prevent that prophecy could become an instrument of domination in the hands of the theocratic power. Anyway, Spinoza also maintains that the prophetic message played a relevant ethical and political role among the ancient people, especially among the Hebrews, since it contributed to create a social bond, based upon the passions and the imaginations of the community. Such an ambivalent peculiarity of prophecy seems to have disappeared in Spinoza's times, insofar as «we have no prophets in our day» (TTP, chapter 1), but only preachers who make use of popular superstition to strengthen their authority. Actually, we can explain differently this TTP's statement, by considering a possible influence of the Collegiant movement in Spinoza's thought, and therefore maintaining that the free prophetic discussion represents the genesis of any process aimed both to liberate individuals from superstition and to resist to non-democratic rules.
This essay analyses the importance of the works of Machiavelli in Tommaseo's thought. The impact that the maxims and precepts of Machiavelli have on the historical, literary and Risorgimento view of Tommaseo, is brought out through a detailed study of the sources.
