The article considers the problems of the establishment and development of the institute of reconciliation in the criminal legislation of Ukraine. The rules and recommendations of international legal acts on this issue have been considered. The concept of contract as a criminal legal category and international experience of conclusion of contracts in criminal proceedings is considered. The study of the norms of the Criminal Code, the Code of Criminal Procedure and specialized literature on this subject shows that the application of conciliation procedures in criminal legislation corresponds to the world trends that have developed in recent decades. UN recommends the use of informal dispute resolution mechanisms, including mediation, arbitration or local practice, to promote reconciliation and redress for victims (para. 7 of the Declaration of Basic Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime and Abuse of Power). The EU Council Decision "On the Situation of the Victim in Criminal 14 Proceedings" contains obligations for all EU countries to extend mediation in criminal proceedings and to ensure that any transaction between the victim and the offender reached in the mediation process is accepted. Since the important task of our State is to join the EU, one of the requirements is to implement and apply European legislation into national legislation. In this section we will consider the concept of transaction in criminal proceedings as a criminal phenomenon, international experience in concluding transactions in criminal proceedings and the formation and development of this institution in Ukraine. Criminal legislation in Ukraine at the time of Kiev Rus had a pronounced private-claim character. According to the Russian Truth, regardless of what the perpetrator attacked - the person or the property, this act was considered as an "insult." In other words, wrongful conduct (offences) in the terminology of ancient Russian law by analogy was the closest concept of "insult." In the research literature, there are different ...
В статті розглядаються погляди зарубіжних істориків та політологів на події в СРСР жовтня 1964 р. Досліджуються зміни теоретичних моделей політичної системи СРСР під впливом відставки Хрущова. ; There are investigated points of view of foreign historians and politologists to the events of October 1964. There are shown changes to the theoretical models of the soviet political system of USSR implied by the Khrushchev's resentment.
In the early twentieth century, among the European ruling elites, military circles and imperial non-governmental organizations dominated a forceful approach to resolving international conflicts. Emphasis was placed on the irreconcilable struggle for so-called «national interests», on the need to change the World in their favor, on the undoubted advantage of interstate competition over cooperation, and on the use of force — above all, military. The absolute state priority was capability to mobilize national resources to defend their «interests». The WWI for the realization of geopolitical dreams was a senseless waste of available resources. Its initiators, most notably Germany, were guided by ideological rather than pragmatic considerations, and obtained results that were in straight contrast to the calculations of their grand strategies. There were no rational foundations — to solve basic economic, security, social or any other problem — among the causes of the war. There were those who made money in preparing for the war. But it is futile to tempt the «conspiracy» of gunsmiths, who sought the lucrative orders responsible for war. The decisive factor that caused the war was the commitment to myths: about real but exaggerated or fictional «national resentment»; on the «inconsistency of the share of colonial possessions to weight of the Empire in the world economy and politics»; «backward peoples incapable to contribute to civilizational progress, their destructive nationalism»; «cultural superiority, which must be extended if necessary by force»; «security windows that should be closed immediately»; «calls of blood, will and destiny» and others. The process of defining «national interests» of states ignored economic factors that would determine their country's development, prosperity and power. The so-called «features of bipolarity» in the structure of the international system, that is, the creation of two military-political blocs were not crucial factor. Unions were poorly institutionalized, so the behavior of ...
The military aggression features as a function of status rank are analyzed. It was established that the conscripts compared with a group of mercenaries and warrants tend to exercise more physical aggression, the total value оf their aggressiveness and decision is higher. Contract servicemen, alongside with a high enough level of physical aggression, also have higher indicators of suspicion and index of agressiveness, and the highest comparing with the other groups hostility index and level of aggression. The group of warrant officers as compared with the other groups has more severe forms of aggression such as indirect aggression, irritability, resentment, suspicion and guilt. This category of personnel is also characterized by higher rates of aggression and hostility, aggressiveness level and the total value of aggressiveness and decision. ; Проаналізовано особливості прояву агресії у військовослужбовців залежно від статусного рангу. Встановлено, що солдатам строкової служби, порівняно із групою контрактників та прапорщиків, притаманна схильність до прояву фізичної агресії та сумарне значення агресивності й директивності. У військовослужбовців-контрактників, поряд із достатньо високим рівнем фізичної агресії, відзначено вищі, ніж у солдатів строкової служби показники підозрілості й індексу агресивності, а також найбільші серед інших груп індекс ворожості та рівень агресивності. У групі прапорщиків, порівняно з іншими групами, більше виражені такі форми агресії, як опосередкована агресія, роздратованість, образливість, підозрілість, почуття провини. Для цієї категорії військовослужбовців характерні вищі, ніж в інших респондентів, показники індексів агресивності та ворожості, рівень агресивності та сумарне значення агресивності й директивності.
This scientific work highlights particular theoretical, organizational and legal issues on developing strategic, preventive measures to copyright protection in Ukraine, as its adequate protection is hampered by inadequate legislation in the field of intelligence property rights and weak organization of law enforcement and judicial authorities in this area, causing resentment and frustration of society in the implementation of fair justice and superintendence. In the context of the work on the basis of a conceptual study of the practical aspects of copyright protection there is an attempt to find the best ways to implement an adequate solution to the problem of the implementation of rights protection outlined before due to the way of post-revolutionary Ukraine. ; В данной научной работе освещены отдельные теоретические, организационно-правовые вопросы по выработке стратегических, превентивных мер защиты авторского права в Украине, поскольку его надлежащая защита тормозится из-за несовершенства законодательства в сфере интеллектуальности собственности и слабой организации работы правоохранительных и судебных органов в этом направлении, что вызывает возмущение, разочарование общества в осуществлении справедливого контроля и правосудия. В контексте представленной работы на основе концептуального исследования практических аспектов защиты авторских прав сделана попытка найти оптимальные пути адекватного решения проблемы реализации охраны указанных вышеправ, учитывая послереволюционный путь Украины к принятию европейский стандартов на национальном и международном уровнях. ; У даній науковій праці висвітлено окремі теоретичні, організаційно-правові питання щодо вироблення стратегічних, превентивнихзаходів захисту авторського права в Україні, оскільки його належний захист гальмується через недосконалість законодавства у сфері інтелектуальної власності та слабку організацію роботи правоохоронних і судових органів у цьому напрямку, що викликає обурення, розчарування суспільства у здійсненні справедливого контролю та правосуддя. У контексті представленої роботи на ґрунті концептуального дослідження практичних аспектів захисту авторських прав зроблена спроба віднайти оптимальні шляхи адекватного вирішення проблеми реалізації охорони означених вище прав, зважаючи на післяреволюційний шлях України до прийняття європейський стандартів на національному та міжнародному рівнях.
The article is about cultural conceptions «ours»/»foreign» in pamphlet collection by Yaroslav Halan «Pered lytsem faktiv» [«In front of facts' face»], which consists of notations, pamphlets and essays that were written after visiting Nurenberg Trial Proceeding. Emphasis is placed on pamphlet as a genre that according to its nature is the condensation of colours with the underlying theme of uncovering, which is characterised by unethical comparison of hyperbolised positive and negative. Here the opposition of «ours»/»foreign» became the basement for the formation of the author's world perception. It is obvious that inclusion of narration's object in the «ours» concept often appears to be a linguistic strategy of justification (ascention), on the contrary, such inclusion into the «foreign» concept is a strategy of discredit. The separation of «ours» and «foreign», the creation of the «we are the group» image through profanation of the opponent is a relatively traditional method of political fight that was used by Y. Halan to the full extent.The main filling of the «ours» concept in Y. Halan's work become Soviet Union's warriors-winners, USSR in general, «foreign» — fascists-SS's, that were convicted, «ours» that became «foreign» — OUN-UIA warriors, as well as European countries that regenerate fascism, which the author thinks to be highly dangerous.Semantic conception «foreign» is analysed to a wide extent, which is represented with the portraits of fascists that were convicted (Ribbentrop, Herring, Frank). Emphasis is placed on satiric and other methods of figurativeness. The main value of the collection is the creation of enemies' portraits with the use of satire and sarcasm. Of course, all of them belong to the semantic conception «foreign». The aim of pamphlet is to awake the feeling of resentment, sometimes hate towards chiefs of Gestapo among readers. ; В статье идет речь о культурных концептах «свой» / «чужой» в сборнике памфлетов Ярослава Галана «Перед лицом фактов», которую составляют заметки, памфлеты и очерки, написанные после посещения Нюрнбергского процесса. Проанализировано в большей степени семантическое поле «чужой», представленное портретами фашистов, которые оказались на скамье подсудимых. Акцентировано внимание на сатирических и других приемах образности. ; У статті йдеться про культурні концепти «свій» / «чужий» у збірці памфлетів Ярослава Галана «Перед лицем фактів», яку складають нотатки, памфлетий нариси, написані після відвідування Нюрнберзького процесу. Проаналізовано більшою мірою семантичне поле «чужий», репрезентоване портретами фашистів, які опинилися на лаві підсудних. Акцентовано увагу на сатиричних та інших прийомах образності.
Responses to activation of the dissident movement in the Ukrainian SSR in the 1960s were political repression in various forms: from "preventive conversations" to arrest for "anti-Soviet activity". Violation of constitutional rights in the Soviet Union was not overlooked by the Western communities. Dissidents made no secret hopes for the support of the Ukrainian community in the Diaspora and Western Governments. The political position of the dissident movement was based on the notions of humanism, democracy, and individual and national freedom. The Ukrainian dissident movement generally adhered to legal and constitutional means of struggle. "Samvydav" documents were widely distributed in the West, particularly in Canada. And during the official visit of the Soviet Chairman of the Council of Ministers O. Kosygin to Canada in October 1971 had a good opportunity to once again draw the world's attention to the issue of human rights in the "most democratic country in the world". Soviet Premier O. Kosygin's visit constitutes was served to maintain the bilateral momentum established by Trudeau's groundbreaking visit to the USSR that spring.From the perspective of most Ethnic organizations in Canada, human rights were so fundamental principle, which had developed bilateral Canada-Soviet relations. After numerous requests from Ukrainian organizations a Canadian Prime Minister P. Trudeau and others influence politicians (M. Sharp, P. Yuzyk, D. Crool, J. Diefenbaker) bring up this matter of the imprisonment Ukrainian intellectuals in public and private discussions with Soviet Premier. P. Trudeau stressed that freedom is the most important value a just society and the exercise of freedom its principal characteristic. Without these, human rights could not hope for true fulfillment. Trudeau's foreign policy was based on a liberal agenda, including attitude of some sympathy to left regimes in the world (in particular USSR). At the some time Canadian leader condemned nationalist lawbreakers at their country (for example Quebec) and beyond. During official visit to Soviet Union in May 1971 he compared Ukrainian dissidents with Quebec terrorists. This caused resentment and even during the visit Kosygin to Canada Trudeau tried to remedy the situation and improve their reputation in the eyes of Ukrainian Canadians.Kosygin's visit to Canada stirs mass student's protests, which demanding to stop human rights violations in Soviet Union. They emphasized that these Ukrainian intellectuals in opposing the russification policy of Moscow in Ukraine and in defending the cultural rights in their Constitution and the Charter of the United Nations. Except Ukrainians part in the pickets took Jews, Czechs, Hungarians, Lithuanians, Latvians and Estonians. A Hungarian political refugee even damaged Kosygin's jacket.Kosygin's declaration at press conference that the nationality problem in Soviet Union has been successfully solved caused indignation. The Jewish question, namely blocking out the Jews from the Soviet Union, Soviet politician called artificial. Similarly O. Kosygin answered on the Ukrainian question, arguing for equality of all peoples in the Soviet Union. Senator P. Yuzyk confronts Soviet Premier in arrests of dissenters. When asked about the imprisonment of Ukrainian dissidents, including V. Moroz, Kosygin replied that he had never heard of this person, as he knew nothing about the arrest of others Ukrainian intellectuals.However, O. Kosygin visit to Canada and the events surrounding it still brought limited results – once again internationally raised the issue of human rights in the Soviet Union and imprisonment of dissidents, and soon some of the prisoners dissidents were able to emigrate to Canada. ; В статье прослеживается поднятия канадскими политиками и общественностью вопроса о соблюдении прав человека в Советском Союзе во время визита Председателя Совета Министров СССР А. Косыгина в Канаду в октябре 1971. Особое внимание уделено активным действиям канадских украинцев, направленных на привлечение внимания мирового сообщества к преследованию диссидентов в УССР. Определены последствия, к которым привело рассмотрение этого вопроса на международном уровне. ; У статті простежено порушення канадськими політиками та громадськістю питання дотримання прав людини в Радянському Союзі під час візиту Голови Ради Міністрів СРСР О. Косигіна до Канади у жовтні 1971 р. Особливий наголос зроблено на активних діях канадських українців, спрямованих на привернення уваги світової спільноти до переслідування інакодумців в УРСР. Визначено наслідки, до яких призвів розгляд цього питання на міжнародному рівні.
The complex and irrational problem of historical experience negative influence sets the trend for sociocultural researches. The solution of this problem facilitates the support of pluralism values in cultural and social fields. Ukraine belongs to the diversified community of the contemporary world. The diversity of the Ukrainian society can be a reason for decomposition and defragmentation of the Ukrainian society and a basis for social prosperity as well. The task of this sociocultural is the analysis of the inclusive vision designing in the modern Ukrainian society. The international institutional experience is the important part of pluralism standard introduction by means of the dialogical social strategy. The conclusion of this article confirms the following thesis : in modern societies clarification of global advantages of sociocultural diversity is based on the transcendental identity.The object of this research is clarification of principal questions of the inclusive vision. The analysis of the inclusive vision designing in contemporary Ukraine promotes social and cultural advantages of pluralism. The peculiar trait of pluralism in a community is a result of self-determination which is not a synonym of the cultural, political and ethnic diversity. The pluralism is a challenge of the global diversity.The content of this article represents a correlation between the myth of origin and the inclusive vision. The globalization fear and the social resentment are based on precritical thinking. In the global world the space of civic culture is not territorial or ethnic. The symbolic production of cultural and social fields in the civic culture is based on the transcendental identity which is not formed by presumption of common origins and collectivity but by mutual respect and security for everyone ; Утверждается, что преодоление влияния негативного исторического контекста на культурное и социальное поле возможно через утверждение ценностей плюрализма в современном обществе. Становление публичности общественной жизни на уровне взаимосвязи этнической и национальной идентичности составляет одно из актуальных направлений стратегии социокультурных исследований. Показано, что многообразие украинского общества может быть как причиной расслоения и дефрагментации социального поля Украины, так и основой общества процветания.Выяснение основных вопросов инклюзивного видение составляет цель данного исследования. Задачей стратегии социокультурных исследований является анализ конструирования инклюзивного видение в современной Украине. Показано, что стратегия исследования мирового институционального опыта плюрализма является важной составляющей утверждения преимуществ глобальной ценности социокультурного многообразия. Отмечается, что особенностью плюрализма является то, что он представляет собою результат самоопределения общества, а не синоним социокультурного многообразия. Плюрализм является ответом на вызов мирового разнообразия.Соотношение мифа происхождения и инклюзивного видения представляет собой основное содержание данного исследования. Показано, что глобализационная фобия и социальный ресентимент основываются на докритическом мышлении. В глобальном мире образуется пространство гражданской культуры, которая является нетерриториальной и неэтнической. Символическое производство социального и культурного полей гражданской культуры основывается на трансцендентальной идентичности, которая основывается не на предположении родства и общности, а на взаимном уважении и безопасности для всех. ; Подолання впливу негативного історичного контексту на культурне та соціальне поле можливо через утвердження цінностей плюралізму в сучасному суспільстві. Україна належить до диверсифікованих суспільств. Становлення публічності суспільного життя на рівні взаємозв'язку етнічної та національної ідентичності становить однин із актуальних напрямків стратегії соціокультурних досліджень. Різноманіття українського суспільства може бути як причиною розшарування та дефрагментації соціального поля України, так і стати основою суспільства процвітання.З'ясування основних питань інклюзивного бачення становить мету даного дослідження. Завданням стратегії соціокультурних досліджень є аналіз конструювання інклюзивного бачення в сучасній Україні. Стратегія дослідження світового інституційного досвіду плюралізму є важливою складовою утвердження переваг глобальної цінності соціокультурного різноманіття. Особливістю плюралізму є те, що він становить результат самовизначення суспільства, а не синонім соціокультурного різноманіття. Плюралізм є відповіддю на виклик світового різноманіття.Співвідношення міфу походження та інклюзивного бачення становить основний вміст представленого дослідження. Глобалізаційна фобія та соціальний ресентимент ґрунтуються на докритичному мисленні. В глобальному світі утворюється простір громадянської культури, яка не територіальна та не етнічна. Символічне виробництво соціального та культурного полів громадянської культури засновується на трансцендентальній ідентичності, яка основується не на припущеннях спорідненості та спільності, а на взаємній повазі та безпеці для всіх.
In the early twentieth century, among the European ruling elites, military circles and imperial non-governmental organizations dominated a forceful approach to resolving international conflicts. Emphasis was placed on the irreconcilable struggle for so-called «national interests», on the need to change the World in their favor, on the undoubted advantage of interstate competition over cooperation, and on the use of force — above all, military. The absolute state priority was capability to mobilize national resources to defend their «interests». The WWI for the realization of geopolitical dreams was a senseless waste of available resources. Its initiators, most notably Germany, were guided by ideological rather than pragmatic considerations, and obtained results that were in straight contrast to the calculations of their grand strategies. There were no rational foundations — to solve basic economic, security, social or any other problem — among the causes of the war. There were those who made money in preparing for the war. But it is futile to tempt the «conspiracy» of gunsmiths, who sought the lucrative orders responsible for war. The decisive factor that caused the war was the commitment to myths: about real but exaggerated or fictional «national resentment»; on the «inconsistency of the share of colonial possessions to weight of the Empire in the world economy and politics»; «backward peoples incapable to contribute to civilizational progress, their destructive nationalism»; «cultural superiority, which must be extended if necessary by force»; «security windows that should be closed immediately»; «calls of blood, will and destiny» and others. The process of defining «national interests» of states ignored economic factors that would determine their country's development, prosperity and power. The so-called «features of bipolarity» in the structure of the international system, that is, the creation of two military-political blocs were not crucial factor. Unions were poorly institutionalized, so the behavior of their members was ambivalent. The facts show that the Alliances' obligations could not force the state to act on one or the other side. The authorities of each country, at their discretion, approved the decision to join the WWI. Italy, for example, betrayed its allies Germany and Austria-Hungary at the very time of the declaration of war. The roots of the war should be found in the views of the rulers, representatives or servants of the old regime of the dynastic aristocracy. Their picture of the world somewhat corresponded to the realities of the nineteenth century and the historical epoch that preceded it — with the dominance of geopolitical (spatial) ideas. At that time, such ideas had not yet completely lost their earthly roots. But they fundamentally distorted the new world — the one to be set in the summer of 1914. The ruling imperial class was in crisis and was threatened by social and national upheavals. He was inclined to seek his salvation in a small victorious war at «a small price». How could it be that both sides were hoping for a quick victory? Regardless of the type of regime — absolute or constitutional monarchy, democratic or authoritarian state — it seems that too often their top leadership has been grossly mistaken. Such mistakes led to catastrophic decisions about entering the war, choosing allies and forms, methods, and the extent of interaction with them. States have made considerable efforts to obtain clear sensitive information about their enemies. But the problem was interpreting all these messages and responding. In most cases, the heads of state ignored the intelligence or their realistic interpretation. Power holders were guided by a variety of factors, including groundless calculations, ideology, political expediency, personal prejudice, racial or ethnic stereotypes, and preferred to turn a blind eye to proven facts. The WWI could have started before 1914. The states constantly threatened each other with their actions. Repeated attempts to strike the threat of aggression, although in reality its leadership was not planning to use military force at the moment, have undermined international stability. The efforts of the European leaders were not aimed at creating a sustainable military allied capability, united by a common strategy to achieve agreed goals. Diplomatic game prevailed: the parties bluffed, tried to play trumps, which they really did not have, etc. Initial stakes, including colonial and / or territorial encroachment on players, were negligible compared to the payout, which in many orders of magnitude exceeded them. As a result, the collapse of four empires took place: the Austro-Hungarian, Russian, German and Ottoman and two of the greatest totalitarian revolutions in Europe of the twentieth century — Russian (Bolshevik) and German (Nazi) had happened. The article is devoted to polemics with wide range of scholars who adheres another concepts of the roots of WWI. Keywords: WWI, 1914, national interests, economic factors, colonies, geopolitics, empire, military-political alliances. ; Згідно з запропонованою в статті концепцією головною причиною Першої світової війни були не реальні економічні, безпекові, соціальні чи будь-які інші проблеми, що їх буцімто прагнули розв'язати можновладці, або містичний «збіг обставин», а геополітичні химери, спотворена картина світу, яка панувала в їхній імперській свідомості. Стаття містить полеміку з дослідниками, які дотримуються протилежних поглядів на причини війни. Ключові слова: Перша світова війна, 1914, геополітика, національні інтереси, економічні фактори, колонії, імперія, військово-політичні союзи.
Problem setting. The current conditions of developing Ukrainian society are characterized by the modernization of all spheres of publicity, the introduction of democratic forms of the organization of public power, and the definition of strategic goals for further development. Such positive changes are opposed by the hybrid war of the Russian Federation, which seeks to undermine the integrity of Ukraine, in particular, to blur the unity of Ukraine as well as the unity and sovereignty of Ukrainianness. Under these conditions, the theory and practice of public administration have high tasks – to develop and implement the policy of Ukrainian centrism, to bring to life the political identity of society.Recent research and publications analysis concerning the raised problem may be carried out in several directions. First of all, it should be noted that consideration of the contemporary problem of Ukrainian identity should be based on the literary heritage of the great artists of Ukraine (T. Shevchenko, I. Franko, Lesya Ukrainka, etc.) and take into account the contemporary works of prominent researchers of typical features of the people (Yu. Shevelova, L. Kostenko, O. Zabuzhko, L. Ivshyna, etc.). Theoretical and methodological foundations for considering identity as a factor in the development of modern society are laid in the ideas of the classics of world thought (J. Bodriiar, Y. Habermas, V. Dilthey, E. Erikson, L. F. G. Svedsen, F. Fukuyama, etc.). The general social importance of solving the problem of Ukrainian identity is reflected in the works of Ukrainian scholars such as E. Bystrytskyi, V. Horbulin, S. Datsiuk, A. Kolodii, H. Pocheptsov. The public-managerial format for asserting Ukrainian identity is revealed by the following authors: V. Pasichnyk, N. Pidberezhnyk, O. Shaparenko and others.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. The analyzed works raise important aspects of the theoretical interpretation and social significance of Ukrainian identity but do not fully reveal the peculiarities of its practical assertion by public-managerial means in conditions of the uncompromising hybrid war on the part of the Russian Federation. Accordingly, the paper objective is defined as a justification of the topicality of the usage of theoretical and practical potential of public administration for the preservation and development of Ukrainian identity.Paper main body. The starting point of the article is the statement that the modern expansion of the sphere of public administration includes new socio-cultural layers of influence on further development. Accordingly, the value of the level of the conscious attitude, rational understanding of the carried out transformations is increasing. One of the important aspects of personal awareness of social processes is the determination of the identity. The topicality of the problem of Ukrainian identity has been considered in the context of several contemporary challenges, among which the incompleteness of its formation and the systemic efforts of the Kremlin directed at destroying this powerful resource of development are of particular importance.A distinction is drawn between Ukrainian and Russian national identity, which is, first and foremost, in the level of orientation towards civilizational and democratic values, in attitude to the ways of social self-realization and so on.The classification of the main directions of destructing Ukrainian identity by the propaganda machine of the Russian Federation is carried out, within which four blocks, twelve specific influences and goals are fixed. Accordingly, the means of counteracting such semantic aggression are indicated. The conceptual basis of Ukrainian identity is political Ukrainian-centrism as a comprehensive statement of a common civilizational future.It is substantiated that compliance with the policy of strengthening Ukrainian identity by public-managerial means is possible due to the combination of theoretical and practical content of the activity of all subjects of modernization of society. The content of specific steps of forming Ukrainian identity is revealed.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. It is stated that one of the pressing challenges of the present is to preserve and strengthen Ukrainian identity as an effective resource for Ukraine's development. Identity is revealed through several essential features, a self-awareness of the subject of his or her inner affinity with social groups. Ukrainian identity differs qualitatively from Russian identity in terms of democracy, tolerance and rationality. It is substantiated that Russian aggression towards all Ukrainian is largely due to the resentment syndrome. Emphasis is placed on the public-managerial format of strengthening Ukrainian identity and the theoretical and practical tools of this process are revealed. Prospective directions of further scientific research of the raised problematics will be the search for the answer to the questions about the deep structures of social and political identity, as well as about specific ways of influence of the sphere of publicity on the formation of Ukrainian identity. ; Досліджено публічно-управлінський аспект сучасної боротьба за українськуідентичність у контексті розкриття сфери публічності як багатогранного процесу забезпечення розвитку демократії та державного суверенітету України. На основі визначення ідентичності як результату самоусвідомлення особою своєї спорідненості з певною соціальною групою виокремлено сутнісні ознаки саме української ідентичності. Продемонстровано її принципову відмінність від російської ідентичності, яка значною мірою заснована на ресентименті – прагненні трансформувати (сублімувати) почуття образи і заздрості у синдром агресивності та помсти. Обґрунтовано положення, що боротьба за українську ідентичність у публічно-управлінському форматі має теоретико-методологічний та практично-прикладний аспекти, що реалізуються поєднанням спільних зусиль більшості суб'єктів соціального розвитку.
Problem setting. The current conditions of developing Ukrainian society are characterized by the modernization of all spheres of publicity, the introduction of democratic forms of the organization of public power, and the definition of strategic goals for further development. Such positive changes are opposed by the hybrid war of the Russian Federation, which seeks to undermine the integrity of Ukraine, in particular, to blur the unity of Ukraine as well as the unity and sovereignty of Ukrainianness. Under these conditions, the theory and practice of public administration have high tasks – to develop and implement the policy of Ukrainian centrism, to bring to life the political identity of society.Recent research and publications analysis concerning the raised problem may be carried out in several directions. First of all, it should be noted that consideration of the contemporary problem of Ukrainian identity should be based on the literary heritage of the great artists of Ukraine (T. Shevchenko, I. Franko, Lesya Ukrainka, etc.) and take into account the contemporary works of prominent researchers of typical features of the people (Yu. Shevelova, L. Kostenko, O. Zabuzhko, L. Ivshyna, etc.). Theoretical and methodological foundations for considering identity as a factor in the development of modern society are laid in the ideas of the classics of world thought (J. Bodriiar, Y. Habermas, V. Dilthey, E. Erikson, L. F. G. Svedsen, F. Fukuyama, etc.). The general social importance of solving the problem of Ukrainian identity is reflected in the works of Ukrainian scholars such as E. Bystrytskyi, V. Horbulin, S. Datsiuk, A. Kolodii, H. Pocheptsov. The public-managerial format for asserting Ukrainian identity is revealed by the following authors: V. Pasichnyk, N. Pidberezhnyk, O. Shaparenko and others.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. The analyzed works raise important aspects of the theoretical interpretation and social significance of Ukrainian identity but do not fully reveal the peculiarities of its practical assertion by public-managerial means in conditions of the uncompromising hybrid war on the part of the Russian Federation. Accordingly, the paper objective is defined as a justification of the topicality of the usage of theoretical and practical potential of public administration for the preservation and development of Ukrainian identity.Paper main body. The starting point of the article is the statement that the modern expansion of the sphere of public administration includes new socio-cultural layers of influence on further development. Accordingly, the value of the level of the conscious attitude, rational understanding of the carried out transformations is increasing. One of the important aspects of personal awareness of social processes is the determination of the identity. The topicality of the problem of Ukrainian identity has been considered in the context of several contemporary challenges, among which the incompleteness of its formation and the systemic efforts of the Kremlin directed at destroying this powerful resource of development are of particular importance.A distinction is drawn between Ukrainian and Russian national identity, which is, first and foremost, in the level of orientation towards civilizational and democratic values, in attitude to the ways of social self-realization and so on.The classification of the main directions of destructing Ukrainian identity by the propaganda machine of the Russian Federation is carried out, within which four blocks, twelve specific influences and goals are fixed. Accordingly, the means of counteracting such semantic aggression are indicated. The conceptual basis of Ukrainian identity is political Ukrainian-centrism as a comprehensive statement of a common civilizational future.It is substantiated that compliance with the policy of strengthening Ukrainian identity by public-managerial means is possible due to the combination of theoretical and practical content of the activity of all subjects of modernization of society. The content of specific steps of forming Ukrainian identity is revealed.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. It is stated that one of the pressing challenges of the present is to preserve and strengthen Ukrainian identity as an effective resource for Ukraine's development. Identity is revealed through several essential features, a self-awareness of the subject of his or her inner affinity with social groups. Ukrainian identity differs qualitatively from Russian identity in terms of democracy, tolerance and rationality. It is substantiated that Russian aggression towards all Ukrainian is largely due to the resentment syndrome. Emphasis is placed on the public-managerial format of strengthening Ukrainian identity and the theoretical and practical tools of this process are revealed. Prospective directions of further scientific research of the raised problematics will be the search for the answer to the questions about the deep structures of social and political identity, as well as about specific ways of influence of the sphere of publicity on the formation of Ukrainian identity. ; Досліджено публічно-управлінський аспект сучасної боротьба за українськуідентичність у контексті розкриття сфери публічності як багатогранного процесу забезпечення розвитку демократії та державного суверенітету України. На основі визначення ідентичності як результату самоусвідомлення особою своєї спорідненості з певною соціальною групою виокремлено сутнісні ознаки саме української ідентичності. Продемонстровано її принципову відмінність від російської ідентичності, яка значною мірою заснована на ресентименті – прагненні трансформувати (сублімувати) почуття образи і заздрості у синдром агресивності та помсти. Обґрунтовано положення, що боротьба за українську ідентичність у публічно-управлінському форматі має теоретико-методологічний та практично-прикладний аспекти, що реалізуються поєднанням спільних зусиль більшості суб'єктів соціального розвитку.