Suchergebnisse

The general perspective on the process of democratisation is a positive one, one that transmits progress and evolution. But Tocqueville and Scheler explain that the process of democratisation also has downsides. For instance, increasing equality generates more envy. Furthermore, Scheler explains that envy also lays the basis for resentment. This analysis looks at this interdependence of democracy and resentment within the case of Christianity. It looks at one of the most relevant examples of democratisation within Christianity, Protestantism. Based on Nietzsche's and Scheler's Christian resentment theories, this paper analyses whether Protestantism's proposal of reformation is indeed resentful. In order to do so, it tests both theories on 'The Freedom of a Christian', a speech by Martin Luther. To which extent can one identify either Scheler's or Nietzsche's understanding of resentment in The Freedom of a Christian?

A test of social explanations of immigrant resentment - contact, threatened responses, grievances, social disintegration, political persuasion, socialization contexts - across 30 European countries between the years 2002-2016 (N=308.430) provides the background for a comprehensive discussion of how these mechanisms interact and connect to migration patterns. Most susceptible to resentment are those (1) lacking opportunities or (2) easy to persuade. (1) Socioeconomic status, place of residency, grievances, social disintegration, immigrant presence, birth cohort interact to provide/inhibit opportunities for social, economic participation (for natives and migrants) leading to less/greater resentment. (2) Threatened responses are concerns over potential consequences of certain kinds of immigration and are linked to individual characteristics that increase exposure and susceptibility to party cueing, policy signaling and media bias. At the contextual-level, these processes are self-mitigating: Affluent, high-immigration countries more easily sustain tolerance for the same reasons they attract immigrants (opportunities) but are more prone to threatened responses since these are provoked by immigration characteristics overrepresented in affluent countries. While this dynamic is reversed in less advantaged countries, it is also vulnerable to disruption explaining higher resentment in certain countries. Self-mitigating shapes resentment in urban areas as well, but urbanization disrupts regional dynamics, leaving rural Europe especially susceptible to resentment.

An der Universität St. Gallen findet vom 19.-20. Oktober ein Workshop zum Thema "Resentment & Utopia" statt. Die Organisator:innen gehen von der These aus, dass Ressentiment und Utopie "Kollektivierungswerkzeuge" der Gegenwart sind. Während der Mechanismus des Ressentiments die Aufmerksamkeit auf die Bedeutung und Funktionalität politischer Gefühle lenkt, schafft er gleichzeitig einen negativen, restaurativen emotionalen Kontext durch […]

In societies marked by deep and enduring structural inequality – often along lines of caste, race, gender, or other forms of identity – how is responsibility for such injustice assigned? How is the agency necessary to overcome historical injustice imagined? These lectures will use Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar's writings as a starting point to explore the moral psychology of responding to historical injustice.

"In a world increasingly shaped by displacement and migration, refuge is both a coveted right and an elusive promise for millions of people. While refuge is conventionally understood as legal protection, it also transcends narrow judicial definitions. In Lived Refuge, Vinh Nguyen reconceptualizes refuge as an ongoing affective experience and lived relation, rather than a fixed category whose legitimacy is derived from the state. Focusing on Southeast Asian diasporas that formed in the wake of the Vietnam War, Nguyen examines three affective experiences-gratitude, resentment, and resilience-to reveal the actively lived dimensions of refuge. Through multifaceted analyses of literary and cultural productions, Nguyen argues that the meaning of refuge emerges from how displaced people negotiate the kinds of "safety" and "protection" that are offered to (and withheld from) them. In doing so, he lays the framework for an original and compelling understanding of contemporary refugee subjectivity"--

In societies marked by deep and enduring structural inequality – often along lines of caste, race, gender, or other forms of identity – how is responsibility for such injustice assigned? How is the agency necessary to overcome historical injustice imagined? These lectures will use Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar's writings as a starting point to explore the moral psychology of responding to historical injustice.

"The recent United States presidential election as well as the responses to the protests about the death of Blacks at the hands of the police has brought forward the question of racism among white voters. In Racial Resentment in the Political Mind, Darren Davis and David Wilson explore the idea that racial resentment, rather than simply racial prejudice, is the basis for growing resistance among whites to efforts to improve the circumstances faced by minorities in the United States. The authors start with the idea that there is growing sentiment among whites that they are "losing-out" and "being cut in line" by Blacks and other minorities, as reflected in an emphasis on diversity and inclusion, multiculturalism, trigger warnings, and political correctness, an increase in African Americans occupying powerful and prestigious positions, and the election of Barack Obama as the first Black president. The culprits, as they see it, are undeserving Blacks, as well as other minorities, who are perceived to benefit unfairly from, and take advantage of, resources that come at whites' expense. This rewarding of unearned resources challenges the status quo and the "rules of the game," especially as they relate to justice and deservingness. These reactions may not stem from racial prejudice or hatred toward Blacks; instead, they may result from threats to whites' sense of justice, entitlement, and status. This sentiment is occurring among everyday citizens who do not subscribe to hate-filled racial or nationalistic ideologies but rather seek to treat everyone respectfully and equally, even those who are different, and understand that rejecting others because of racial prejudice is offensive."--

Resentment is a complex, multi-layered emotion, within which perceptions of unfairness and feelings of anger are central. When linked to politics, it has predominantly been associated with the alleged "crisis of representative democracy" and populism. However, recent studies have shown that resentment can intervene positively in people's relations to politics and political institutions by facilitating certain types of political participation (Capelos & Demertzis, 2018). Despite this, the concept of resentment, and hence its role in contemporary representative democracy, is often poorly defined, with empirical investigations of its manifestation(s) remaining scarce. Borrowing a conceptualization of resentment as "resentful affectivity," our article draws on the analysis of focus groups carried out in Belgium (2019-2020) with individuals where resentful affectivity is likely to be observed (i.e., contemporary movements of contestation such as the Yellow Vests, Youth for Climate, and individuals who occupy a socially disadvantaged position). We find that experiences of intense anger, fear, disappointment, and the unfairness of representative democracy, i.e., of how representative democracy works on the ground, coexist simultaneously with remaining hopes in the democratic system. We show how this complex blend of emotions confronts citizens with what we call a "democratic dilemma." We document the different ways in which citizens cope with this dilemma and conclude by highlighting both the positive and negative ways in which resentment intervenes in the contemporary "crisis of representative democracy."