This article explores the success of populist parties in Bulgaria during the last decade. The first section focuses on the definition of populism and identifies the main populist parties in this country. The second part presents the development of these parties and their specific characteristic as well as the evolution of the "three waves" of populism in Bulgaria. The last section addresses the reasons for the success of these parties both in terms of supply side (the electorate) and the demand side (the strategy of the parties). The main conclusion is that this country is a fertile ground for populist movements due to the attitude of the electorate and the niche on the right-side of the political spectrum and that newly created parties use this opportunity of win elections but they remain short-lived because they cannot continue to mobilize populist rhetoric when they are in office and often face rapid decline.
There is an ongoing debate in the racial attitudes literature about the degree to which new racism measures actually tap negative racial beliefs. Racial resentment is one construct that has been criticized on such grounds. To date, Kinder and Sanders (1996) have proposed the most commonly utilized measure of racial resentment, which is largely based on a similar construct -- symbolic racism. The authors enter this discussion by proposing and testing an alternative racial resentment measure, one that is more explicit. They analyze data from two convenience samples of college students and from two national adult samples. They find the Explicit Racial Resentment (EXR) measure to have strong measurement properties and associations with known correlates of racial attitudes, suggesting promise as a survey-based indicator of underlying racial resentment. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]
There is an ongoing debate in the racial attitudes literature about the degree to which new racism measures actually tap negative racial beliefs. Racial resentment is one construct that has been criticized on such grounds. To date, Kinder and Sanders (1996) have proposed the most commonly utilized measure of racial resentment, which is largely based on a similar construct—symbolic racism. The authors enter this discussion by proposing and testing an alternative racial resentment measure, one that is more explicit. They analyze data from two convenience samples of college students and from two national adult samples. They find the Explicit Racial Resentment (EXR) measure to have strong measurement properties and associations with known correlates of racial attitudes, suggesting promise as a survey-based indicator of underlying racial resentment.
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An der Universität St. Gallen findet vom 19.-20. Oktober ein Workshop zum Thema "Resentment & Utopia" statt. Die Organisator:innen gehen von der These aus, dass Ressentiment und Utopie "Kollektivierungswerkzeuge" der Gegenwart sind. Während der Mechanismus des Ressentiments die Aufmerksamkeit auf die Bedeutung und Funktionalität politischer Gefühle lenkt, schafft er gleichzeitig einen negativen, restaurativen emotionalen Kontext durch […]
"In a world increasingly shaped by displacement and migration, refuge is both a coveted right and an elusive promise for millions of people. While refuge is conventionally understood as legal protection, it also transcends narrow judicial definitions. In Lived Refuge, Vinh Nguyen reconceptualizes refuge as an ongoing affective experience and lived relation, rather than a fixed category whose legitimacy is derived from the state. Focusing on Southeast Asian diasporas that formed in the wake of the Vietnam War, Nguyen examines three affective experiences-gratitude, resentment, and resilience-to reveal the actively lived dimensions of refuge. Through multifaceted analyses of literary and cultural productions, Nguyen argues that the meaning of refuge emerges from how displaced people negotiate the kinds of "safety" and "protection" that are offered to (and withheld from) them. In doing so, he lays the framework for an original and compelling understanding of contemporary refugee subjectivity"--
A new racism, it is claimed, has become a dominant feature of contemporary American politics. According to the theory's originators, the new racism has largely replaced the old racism, which was based on the alleged biological inferiority of blacks. The new racism, referred to as "symbolic racism" or, more recently, "racial resentment," by contrast, is defined as a conjunction of anti-black feelings and American moral traditionalism. According to its proponents, this new racism now structures and dominates the racial thinking of whites generally. Howard Schuman has suggested, however, that the index used to measure racial resentment may be fundamentally flawed because it may be conflated with the measurement of attitudes toward racial policies. The authors' analysis supports Schuman's suggestion. They conclude that racial resentment is not a valid measure of racism, which raises questions about the extent to which a new racism now dominates the thinking of white Americans.
A new racism, it is claimed, has become a dominant feature of contemporary American politics. According to the theory's originators, the new racism has largely replaced the old racism, which was based on the alleged biological inferiority of blacks. The new racism, referred to as "symbolic racism" or more recently, "racial resentment," by contrast, is defined as a conjunction of anti-black feelings and American moral traditionalism. According to its proponents, this new racism now structures and dominates the racial thinking of whites generally. Howard Schuman has suggested, however, that the index used to measure racial resentment may be fundamentally flawed because it may be conflated with the measurement of attitudes toward racial policies. The authors' analysis supports Schuman's suggestion. They conclude that racial resentment is not a valid measure of racism, which raises questions about the extent to which a new racism now dominates the thinking of white Americans. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]
Resentment is a powerful human emotion that has both private and social dimensions where it manifests in a variety of ways. It has been identified as the force behind uprisings against racial, economic, and political inequality and injustice throughout time, as well as in the contemporary scene. Its moral and socio-political implications have been reflected on ever since Nietzsche identified it as a major contributing factor in the genealogy of morality. Max Scheler made a brilliant phenomenological analysis of it, and Francis Fukuyama recently identified it as a significant force in shaping contemporary identity politics. It has become a significant political force in contemporary South Africa, where the politics of reconciliation have largely been displaced by the politics of resentment. Although it has generally been viewed as having negative consequences for the social compact, its moral justification in specific circumstances has been powerfully made by the holocaust survivor Jean Amery and more recently by Didier Fassin with regard to post-apartheid South Africa. However, it is often accompanied by what Nietzsche called the "falsification of the tablets of value", which also means that it may lead to alternative mental constructions of reality that might result in delusional perspectives that can have dire social and moral consequences.
Do women suffer from a societal Stockholm Syndrome which leads them to display high levels of modern and traditional sexist behavior? Does a woman's level of modern or traditional sexist behavior influence her political choices? Female gender resentment and sexist biases are an understudied area of the extant literature on sexism. Typically the focus is placed on men's sexist attitudes and treatment of women, but is it possible that women also contribute to the subordination of their gender through sexist practices? These are questions which this thesis attempts to answer. The findings indicate that working women under the age of 39 are more likely to display modern sexist behavior and that female homemakers under the age of 39 display high levels of traditionally sexist behavior. These attitudes carry over into the political decision making processes and have a negative impact on whether a woman would be likely to support a female presidential candidate. ; 2015-08-01 ; M.A. ; Sciences, Political Science ; Masters ; This record was generated from author submitted information.
In: Soziale Ungleichheit, kulturelle Unterschiede: Verhandlungen des 32. Kongresses der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Soziologie in München. Teilbd. 1 und 2, S. 275-285
"In dem öffentlichen Diskurs über Gewalteskalation konkurrieren bislang zwei Erklärungsmuster: die deprivationstheoretische Erklärung, derzufolge wahrgenommene Benachteiligung für die Gewaltbereitschaft ursächlich, und die kulturalistische Erklärung, derzufolge unverträgliche kulturelle Traditionen zu fortschreitenden Spannungen und Konflikten führen, die schließlich auch mit Mitteln des Terrorismus ausgetragen werden können. Nun wissen wir, dass Benachteiligung in vielen Fällen nicht zur Revolte führt und ganz unterschiedliche kulturelle Traditionen durchaus friedlich nebeneinander existieren können. Hier soll darum eine dritte konflikttheoretische Erklärung vorgestellt werden: Gruppenkonflikte, wie immer sie entstanden sind und worum immer sie gehen, enden in der Gewalt, wenn sie nicht in Institutionen aufgefangen werden. Dann forcieren sie über Angst und Hoffnung die Transformation der sozialen Identität von Akteuren und Opfern. Diese wird zunehmend eindeutig, Freund und Feind, Gut und Böse werden getrennt. Wachsende Ressentiments bestätigen sich wechselseitig. Der Rückgriff auf Traditionen angesichts fortschreitender Globalisierung (Huntington 1996) ist nur eine mögliche Konfliktlinie unter anderen. In vielen Fällen geht es nicht um Kultur, sondern um Land und Wasser, um Herrschaft und Zukunft. Gewalttätige Konflikte reduzieren die Vielfalt von Identitäten, die Menschen alltäglich aktualisieren, auf diejenige, die die persönliche Sicherheit, Integrität und Würde zu sichern scheint. Terrorismus ist daher nicht Ausdruck einer spezifischen Kultur oder von Kulturkonflikten (bei Basken, Iren, Tamilen, Tschetschenen, Hutus, Arabern usw.), sondern Folge (und zunehmend auch Ursache) eines radikalisierten Konfliktes zwischen imaginierten Gemeinschaften. Leidensfähige und gewaltbereite Kollektive agieren dann in einer 'kosmischen Auseinandersetzung' (Juergensmeyer 2000)." (Autorenreferat)
In: Soziale Ungleichheit, kulturelle Unterschiede: Verhandlungen des 32. Kongresses der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Soziologie in München. Teilbd. 1 und 2, S. 245-246
Im einleitenden Beitrag zur Plenarveranstaltung "Religion und Ressentiment", die gemeinsam von der Sektion "Entwicklungssoziologie und Sozialanthropologie" und der Sektion "Religionssoziologie" vorbereitet und organisiert wurde, wird der Zusammenhang von Religion und Ressentiment sowohl auf einer theoretischen als auch auf einer empirischen Ebene durch einige Begriffsbestimmungen knapp skizziert.Ressentiment beschreibt ein gefühlsbedingtes Bedürfnis von sozial, kulturell und/ oder ökonomisch negativ privilegierten (bzw. sich selbst so einschätzenden) Gruppen nach "Abwertung" der Qualitäten und Leistungen der Anderen, das sich bis hin zum offenen Hass gegen die "Bessergestellten", "Vornehmen" und "Mächtigen" steigern kann. Ziel der "Abwertung" der Anderen ist in der Regel die moralische und ethische "Aufwertung" der eigenen Gruppe. Seit Friedrich Nietzsches These von der Entstehung der christlichen Liebesmoral aus dem Geist des Ressentiments von Max Weber aufgegriffen und generalisiert wurde, scheint festzustehen, dass Ressentiment eine charakteristische Begleiterscheinung einer jeden "Erlösungsreligion" und einer jeden religiösen Ethik der negativ Privilegierten ist. Worauf die Deprivation der jeweiligen Gruppen auch im Einzelnen beruhen mag, auf niederem sozialen Status, auf einer ethnischen Minderheitenposition, auf der Diskriminierung oder Verunglimpfung religiöser Gemeinschaften oder auf politischer Unterdrückung, sie kann dazu führen, dass die ethischen Gebote der jeweiligen Religion in ihr Gegenteil umschlagen und der Hass auf die Konkurrenz über alle "Gebote der Liebe" siegt. (ICA2)