Building on an interview study from Sweden (n = 80), this article develops the concept of media resentment as a tool for understanding contemporary developments such as the diminished trust in news media and journalism. We view media resentment as a complex of feelings and ideas that are both individual and social, embodied, and ideal. Media resentment is defined as the feeling that the media – intentionally or unintentionally – are denying you or endangering what you have rightfully earned, whether by not giving it to you, by directly telling you to abstain from it or by intervening in social processes so that your enjoyment of what you have earned becomes impossible.
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The last decade has seen growth in athletes using their public profiles to raise awareness over social justice-related issues such as police violence and racial injustice and to create change. In new research, Elizabeth Seagroves, Betina Cutaia Wilkinson, and Lisa Kiang examine what drives peoples’ reactions to sports activism, finding that those who support it … Continued
Within the representative bureaucracy literature, scholars argue that public perceptions of government will improve when their government looks like them. In particular, this study focuses on how the public perceives the fairness of policy outcomes, measured as distributive justice. We test this through a survey experiment that examines how perceptions of distributive justice are affected by the racial diversity of government employees. Respondents are presented with a vignette about grants allocated to small businesses, and then provided information about the racial diversity of agency employees. We further examine whether levels of racial resentment impact the relationship between diversity in government and the perceived distributive justice of policy outcomes. Racial resentment, frequently used in political science as a proxy for levels of prejudice, is included because reactions to information about race and government policy are likely to shape perceptions about the legitimacy of government action and views on representative bureaucracy. The experiment results indicate racial representation in government matters for Whites, and these effects vary by expressed levels of racial resentment. In contrast, distributive justice perceptions of non-White respondents are not changed by information on racial diversity within government agencies and do not vary by levels of racial resentment.
In recent years, the rural-urban divide has not only made its way back into political science, but has also been given an entirely new angle by investigating place of living as its own social identity. However, research is still in its early stages and studies so far focus on linear explanations of place-based resentment. This paper studies place in the light of social identity theory and investigates how place of living and place-based identity interact in shaping place-based resentment. Original survey data on around 4000 respondents from Switzerland from 2022 with a novel measure of place-based identity and resentment is used. A distinction is made not only between rural and urban residents, but also between the suburbanites. Results show that rural residents hold the highest levels of identity and resentment, while suburban residents hold higher levels of resentment than urban ones do. Findings show that there is a moderating effect, whereby the rural-urban divide in resentment increases with place-based identity, while the suburban-urban gap diminishes with increasing place-based identity. These differences in place-based identity and resentment could explain the rural-urban divide in political attitudes and behavior.
Abstract Various polls suggest that Donald Trump has enjoyed the support of a sizable minority of the Latinx electorate despite his racially offensive rhetoric and support for some of the most restrictive immigration policies in recent memory. Building on Social Identity Theory and Self-Categorization Theory, we contend that some Latinxs harbor negative stereotypes about immigrants, blame them for the status devaluation of the Latinx community, and cognitively distinguish themselves from Latinx immigrants. Rather than viewing anti-immigrant policies, rhetoric, and politicians as a direct status threat, those exhibiting this "Latinx Immigrant Resentment (LIR)" may regard them as a means to enhance the status and interests of "prototypical" Latinxs by signaling their distinction from "atypical" Latinxs. To evaluate this theory, we use the 2020 American National Election Study (ANES) and 2016 Collaborative MultiRacial Post-Election Survey (CMPS) as a proof-of-concept to first confirm that negative immigrant stereotypes and cognitive intragroup distinctions are associated with increased support for Donald Trump and restrictive immigration policies. We then introduce a more refined measure of LIR by fielding online surveys of US Latinxs administered through Lucid in 2020–2021 (N = 1,164) and 2021/22 (N = 1,017). We demonstrate the validity of this measure and its predictive power for attitudes toward Donald Trump, Ron DeSantis, and restrictive immigration policies after accounting for a range of rival explanations.
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And if Section 3 keeps a popular candidate off the ballot, that will likely increase polarization and resentment amongst the candidate's supporters, perhaps to the point of further, and worse, insurrection.
Introduction -- A Compromising Preacher: Butler as a Proto-Political Economist -- Formation of Butler's Moral Theology as a Foundation of Commercial Society -- Commercial Society and Religion: Butler, Paley and Priestley -- Butler's Defence of the Authority of Conscience -- Theories of Resentment and Civilisation from Perspectives of Joseph Butler and Lord Kames -- Joseph Butler and Adam Smith on Conscience, Self-deceit and General Rules -- Butler and the Scottish Enlightenment: His Relationship with Adam Smith -- Self-love in Butler and Rousseau -- Science and Religion in British Philosophy: The Case of the Plurality of Worlds -- Butler and Ben Shira's Apholism. .
Defining cynicism : the roots of a political disease -- The shifting political discourse : do what I say, not what I do -- Inequality, racism and the psychology of cynicism : white resentment and neopopulism unite -- The scourge of fake news & media consolidation (aka propaganda is winning the war on truth) -- Educating intolerance and commodifying knowledge : schools in the culture wars' firing line -- Higher education under attack on multiple fronts : neoliberalism, neopopulism & the cloistering of knowledge -- Representatives of the political subject in popular culture : cultivating cynicism through our heroes & villains -- Corporate hegemony and the struggle to control the American mind -- Contesting cynicism & restoring hope.
Regardless of its utility as a measure of actual corruption, perceived corruption is related to many political attitudes and other variables which makes it an important phenomenon to understand. This paper explores demographic variables, ideological orientations, socioeconomic status, interpersonal trust, political attitudes and feelings of resentment as explanations for corruption perception with response styles controlled within a structural equation modelling framework using survey data collected in Guyana where corruption is salient and thought to be pervasive. It finds that the categories of variables jointly explain 31.5% of the variance in corruption perception and that there is explanatory utility for each category of variables evaluated except socioeconomic status with demographics and ideological orientations accounting for the largest changes in explained variance. It also finds that political cynicism attenuates an initial effect of interpersonal trust and concludes that ethnicity appears to function as partisan orientation in its relationship with corruption perception.
Existing research on the effects of women's descriptive representation on citizens' attitudes has mainly investigated potential positive effects, namely on political engagement or the legitimacy of outcomes. However, trends in representation have rarely been theorized as potential causes of resentment among women. While a male backlash to increasing representation has been theorized, this article argues that women may also be discontent with their trajectory of representation, if they perceive it as stagnating. Using a survey experiment fielded in Germany, the results show that a stagnating representation trajectory mobilizes women to vote for a progressive party, the German Greens. In contrast, the paper demonstrates that men do not lash back against women's increasing representation, even if they realize that this means a lower standing for themselves. This article contributes to research on political behavior by highlighting that discontent with persisting inequality is a mobilizing factor for progressive parties.
This article presents an empirical examination of attribution and appraisal theories, focusing on young individuals' beliefs about causality and feelings toward two social issues impacting the welfare of others: food insecurity and opioid addiction. Using a deductive qualitative approach, this investigation deepens and expands our theoretical understanding of how causal beliefs shape moral evaluations and corresponding emotions. Through focus group discussions ( N = 9), participants revealed distinct patterns of causal cognitions and specific negative, other-oriented moral emotions. Causes of individuals' hardships were characterized along four themes (personal choices, inherited circumstances, systemic issues, unexpected events), linking beliefs with corresponding discrete emotional experiences resembling contempt, pity, resentment, and compassion. Findings provide a description of attributions that supports a nuanced understanding of the complex relationship between causality and emotion, thus contributing to the current theoretical perspective. Practical implications and opportunities for further investigation are discussed in view of the broader goal of developing strategies to amplify civic engagement.
AbstractThe United States is enduring an identity crisis characterized by a polarized political climate precipitating an American culture war. In this battle the Republican Party has been overtaken by "Anti‐wokeism" allied with antidemocratic "states' rights" beliefs claiming an exclusive, antipluralist definition of republic. The extremist right in America insists that America is not a democracy, but a "republic" built to respect the status of a minority characterized as white, nationalist and Christian. "Anti‐wokeism" is an extension of Trumpism and MAGA (Make America Great Again), gathering together antidemocratic forces, fueled by resentment and theories of racial displacement known as the Great Replacement Theory. These forces are overwhelming the modern Republican Party, inspiring homophobia, misogyny, racism, book bans, and violence. This essay addresses the following four elements of this crisis with an eye to a renewed vision of America: (1) the difference between an 18th Century and 21st Century definition of a republic; (2) the antidemocratic states' rights movement; (3) the nature of strongman populism in American politics; and (4) a vision of diversity as the core principle of the American Republic.
Drawing upon a wide variety of authors, approaches, and ideological contexts, this book offers a comprehensive and detailed critique of the distinct and polemical senses in which the concept of ressentiment (and its cognate 'resentment') is used today. It also proposes a new mode of addressing ressentiment in which critique and polemics no longer set the tone: care.
Contemporary tendencies in political culture such as neoliberalism, nationalism, populism, identity politics, and large-scale conspiracy theories have led to the return of the concept of ressentiment in armchair political analysis. This book argues that, due to the tension between its enormous descriptive power and its mutually contradicting ideological performances, it is necessary to 'redramatize' the concept of ressentiment. By what right do we possess and use the concept of ressentiment, and what makes the phenomenon worth knowing? Inspired by Marxist political epistemology, affect theory, postcolonialism, and feminism, the book maps, delimits, and assesses four irreducible ways in which ressentiment can be articulated: the ways of the priest, the physician, the witness, and the diplomat. The first perspective is typically embodied by conservative (Scheler, Girard) and liberal (Smith, Rawls) political theory; the second, by Nietzsche, Deleuze and Foucault; whereas the standpoint of the witness is found in the writings of Améry, Fanon and Adorno; and the diplomat's is the author's own, albeit inspired by philosophers such as Ahmed, Stiegler, Stengers, and Sloterdijk. In producing a dialectical sequence between all four typical modes of enunciation, the book demonstrates how the first three reinterpretations of ressentiment are already implied in the theater set up in Nietzsche's late polemical books, while the fourth proposes a line of flight out of it.
The Dialectic of Ressentiment will be of interest to scholars and advanced students working in critical theory, social and political philosophy, cultural studies, sociology, history, literature, political science, anthropology, and Nietzsche scholarship. It will also appeal to anyone interested in the politics of anger, discourse ethics, trauma studies, and memory politics.
The Open Access version of this book, available at www.taylorfrancis.com, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 4.0 license.
Abstract There have been many accounts of Donald Trump's assault on America's constitutional norms and institutions. Journalists have detailed how a real estate mogul and reality television star with no experience in public office captured the Republican Party and disrupted the regular protocols of the executive branch. Legal scholars have lamented Trump's politicization of the Justice Department breaking through the fragile guard rails put in place in the wake of the Watergate scandal. Psychiatrists have sought to diagnose Trump's politics of resentment, which they attribute to the rage and narcissism of a sociopath. Amid this frenzy John Campbell's Institutions Under Siege: Donald Trump's Attack on the Deep State provides a comprehensive study on Trump's assault on American political and government institutions. He shows persuasively that Trump's presidency had a deep and dangerous imprint on elections, the Republican Party, the bureaucracy, and fiscal policy. Critically examining Campbell's theory and evidence, this essay considers where Trump stands in the long train of democratic crises that have occurred throughout American history, how his presidency and its provocative aftermath were a symptom of long-standing changes in the relationship between the presidency and the party system, and why the presidency itself might be a polarizing institution.