Suchergebnisse

En el libro II de la Retórica se encuentra un estudio sobre las pasiones, las cuales, como bien lo afirma Aristóteles, influyen en la formación del juicio y por tanto en la toma de decisiones; esto hace pensar en su posible incidencia en la conformación de las comunidades humanas, lo cual puede ser inicialmente abordado desde los vínculos que una retórica de las pasiones tiene con la política y con la ética. En la parte final de este artículo se muestra la cercanía que puede existir entre el término de pasión utilizado por Aristóteles, y el sentimiento moral de P. Strawson y E. Tugendhat, con el fin de iniciar una reflexión sobre el valor que la retórica de las pasiones de Aristóteles puede tener en los estudios contemporáneos. ; In book II of Rhetoric, there is a study on the passions, which, as Aristotle affirms, influence the formation of judgment and therefore in decision-making: this leads one to think of its possible incidence in the formation of human communities, which may be first approached from the ties that a rhetoric of passions has with politics and ethics. In thefinal part of this article, it shows the closeness that there could be between the term ofpassion used by Aristotle and P. Strawson and E. Tugendhat's moral sentiment in order to initiate a reflection regarding the value that Aristotle 's rhetoric ofpassions may have in contemporarystudies.

Editorial: ; Una luz al final del túnel ; Aguilera, Oscar ; Presentación. ; Dossier: En la variedad está el gusto ; Aguilera, Oscar ; Educación y sociedad en América Latina, una década después ; Education and society in Latin America, one decade later ; Albornoz, Orlando ; De una a otra sociología. Final y comienzo ; From one to another sociology. End and begining ; Alarcón, Luis ; Antropología visual y contexto político: El caso de Napoleón Chagnon ; Visual anthropology and political context: The case of Napoleon Chagnon ; Martens Ramírez, Raquel ; Análisis sociolingüístico de la comunidad escolar de la Palmita, Mérida, Venezuela ; Sociolinguistic analysis of the school community from La Palmita, Mérida, Venezuela ; Morales, Oscar Alberto ; La retórica científica ; The scientific rhetoric ; Aguirre, María G. ; Dimensiones morales de los impuestos ; Moral dimensions of taxes ; Méndez Peña, María ; Validación y aprendizaje de la participación en redes: El caso de los productores de las playas de Camurí Grande, Parroquia Naiguata, Estado Vargas ; Validation and learning of participation networks: The case of beach producers from Camurí Grande, Naiguatá parish, Vargas State ; Morales, Nelson ; La violencia soportada ; The endured violence ; Silva, Alejandrina; Gross B., Martín A. ; maguirre@ula.ve ; trimestral ; Nivel analítico

Democracy is based on individuals' ability to give their opinions freely. To do this, they must have access to a multitude of reliable information sources, and this greatly depends on the characteristics of their media environments. Today, one of the main issues individuals face is the significant amount of disinformation circulating through social networks. This study focuses on parliamentary disinformation. It examines how parliamentarians contribute to generating information disorder in the digital public space. Through an exploratory content analysis ? a descriptive content analysis of 2,307 messages posted on Twitter accounts of parliamentary spokespeople and representatives of the main list of each political party in the Spanish Lower House of Parliament ? we explore disinformation rhetoric. The results allow us to conclude that, while the volume of messages shared by parliamentarians on issues susceptible to disinformation is relatively low (14% of tweets), both the themes of the tweets (COVID-19, sex-based violence, migrants or LGBTI), as well as their tone and argumentative and discursive lines, contribute to generating distrust through institutional criticism or their peers. The study deepens current knowledge of the disinformation generated by political elites, key agents of the construction of polarising narratives.

Aristotle held the difference between scientific knowledge that deals with the indisputable and necessary and that of a faculty such as the rhetoric that deals with the opinions common to most members of the city, in order to persuade them, as such opinions are, although they may not be, because they may be otherwise. In the doxa the world is still fully present and political discussion takes place only in it, althoug we do not have, as happened with Aristotle, neither a science of politics that establishes the end of the city as unquestionable, nor an ethics that define the absolute good, nor do we know an indisputable law, the common law established by nature. This is the reason why we find ourselves in a situation in which politics does not fit as a Aristotelian science, but only rhetoric, now understood as politics, in which everything is debatable without having any criteria that act as an element of orientation in the discussion. Hence the need to spot mainland to guide us in the curled sea full of free speeches in which we sail. ; Aristóteles sostuvo la diferencia entre el saber científico que se ocupa de lo indiscutible y necesario y el propio de una facultad como la retórica que lo hace de las opiniones comunes a la mayoría de los miembros de la ciudad, con el fin de persuadirlos, pues tales opiniones son, aunque pueden no serlo, pues cabe que sean de otra manera. En la doxa sigue presente de manera plena el mundo y solo en él tiene lugar la discusión política, aunque no poseamos ya, como sucedía con Aristóteles, ni una ciencia de la política que establezca como incuestionable el fin de la ciudad, ni una ética que defina el bien absoluto, ni tampoco conocemos una ley indiscutible, la ley común establecida por la naturaleza. Esta es la razón por la que nos encontramos en una situación en la que no cabe la política como ciencia al modo aristotélico, sino solo la retórica, entendida ahora como política, en la que todo es debatible sin que poseamos ningún criterio que actúe como elemento de orientación en ...

Aristóteles sostuvo la diferencia entre el saber científico que se ocupa de lo indiscutible y necesario y el propio de una facultad como la retórica que lo hace de las opiniones comunes a la mayoría de los miembros de la ciudad, con el fin de persuadirlos, pues tales opiniones son, aunque pueden no serlo, pues cabe que sean de otra manera. En la doxa sigue presente de manera plena el mundo y solo en él tiene lugar la discusión política, aunque no poseamos ya, como sucedía con Aristóteles, ni una ciencia de la política que establezca como incuestionable el fin de la ciudad, ni una ética que defina el bien absoluto, ni tampoco conocemos una ley indiscutible, la ley común establecida por la naturaleza. Esta es la razón por la que nos encontramos en una situación en la que no cabe la política como ciencia al modo aristotélico, sino solo la retórica, entendida ahora como política, en la que todo es debatible sin que poseamos ningún criterio que actúe como elemento de orientación en la discusión. De ahí la necesidad de divisar tierra firme que nos oriente en el mar encrespado de discursos libres en el que navegamos. ; Aristotle held the difference between scientific knowledge that deals with the indisputable and necessary and that of a faculty such as the rhetoric that deals with the opinions common to most members of the city, in order to persuade them, as such opinions are, although they may not be, because they may be otherwise. In the doxa the world is still fully present and political discussion takes place only in it, althoug we do not have, as happened with Aristotle, neither a science of politics that establishes the end of the city as unquestionable, nor an ethics that define the absolute good, nor do we know an indisputable law, the common law established by nature. This is the reason why we find ourselves in a situation in which politics does not fit as a Aristotelian science, but only rhetoric, now understood as politics, in which everything is debatable without having any criteria that act as an element of orientation in the discussion. Hence the need to spot mainland to guide us in the curled sea full of free speeches in which we sail.

Aristóteles sostuvo la diferencia entre el saber científico que se ocupa de lo indiscutible y necesario y el propio de una facultad como la retórica que lo hace de las opiniones comunes a la mayoría de los miembros de la ciudad, con el fin de persuadirlos, pues tales opiniones son, aunque pueden no serlo, pues cabe que sean de otra manera. En la doxa sigue presente de manera plena el mundo y solo en él tiene lugar la discusión política, aunque no poseamos ya, como sucedía con Aristóteles, ni una ciencia de la política que establezca como incuestionable el fin de la ciudad, ni una ética que defina el bien absoluto, ni tampoco conocemos una ley indiscutible, la ley común establecida por la naturaleza. Esta es la razón por la que nos encontramos en una situación en la que no cabe la política como ciencia al modo aristotélico, sino solo la retórica, entendida ahora como política, en la que todo es debatible sin que poseamos ningún criterio que actúe como elemento de orientación en la discusión. De ahí la necesidad de divisar tierra firme que nos oriente en el mar encrespado de discursos libres en el que navegamos. ; Aristotle held the difference between scientific knowledge that deals with the indisputable and necessary and that of a faculty such as the rhetoric that deals with the opinions common to most members of the city, in order to persuade them, as such opinions are, although they may not be, because they may be otherwise. In the doxa the world is still fully present and political discussion takes place only in it, althoug we do not have, as happened with Aristotle, neither a science of politics that establishes the end of the city as unquestionable, nor an ethics that define the absolute good, nor do we know an indisputable law, the common law established by nature. This is the reason why we find ourselves in a situation in which politics does not fit as a Aristotelian science, but only rhetoric, now understood as politics, in which everything is debatable without having any criteria that act as an element of orientation in the discussion. Hence the need to spot mainland to guide us in the curled sea full of free speeches in which we sail.

Following Fairclough's social-theoretical approach to discourse within the tradition of Critical Discourse Analysis, the main concern of this paper is to gain an insight into the rhetorical strategies used by George Ridpath, a very influential Scottish journalist and pamphleteer during the Stuart period. To this end, we analyse a sample of Ridpath's political writings excerpted from one of the Whig leading journals at that time, The Observator, and draw attention to the different persuasive devices of verbal manipulation that Ridpath resorted to in an attempt to shape belief and defend his views in the first decades of the eighteenth century. The results obtained pro vide evidence for the fact that Ridpath used language as a political weapon: he attempted to influence public opinion through verbal persuasive devices like boosters, hedges, rhetorical questions and (metaphorical and non-metaphorical) dysphemistic terms, among other rhetorical devices of a lesser quantitative relevance in the corpus consulted. ; Siguiendo el enfoque socio-teórico del discurso propuesto por Fairclough dentro de la tradición del Análisis del Discurso, el objetivo de este artículo es analizar las estrategias retóricas utilizadas por George Ridpath, un influyente periodista político durante el periodo Estuardo. Con este propósito, analizamos una muestra de los escritos políticos de Ridpath extraídos de una de las más destacadas publicaciones whigs de aquella época, The Observator, y nos centraremos en los diferentes recursos de manipulación verbal que Ridpath utilizaba con el objeto de defender sus opiniones y manejar a los lectores durante las primeras décadas del siglo XVIII. Los resultados obtenidos demuestran que Ridpath utilizaba el lenguaje como arma política; no en vano, intentaba influir en la opinión pública por medio de recursos persuasivos como enfatizadores, atenuadores, preguntas retóricas y voces disfemísticas (tanto metafóricas como no metafóricas), entre otros mecanismos de una menor relevancia cuantitativa en el corpus consultado.

This work presents a semiotic approach to the rhetoric of color. It proposes arevision of the μ Group concept of rhetoric from the semiotics of Charles S. Peirce—and his contemporary methodological reworkings— and from Louis Althusser'sconcept of practice. The rhetorical apprehension of a discourse is understood as aprocess of meaning production in which certain interpretive strategies guide thetransformation of raw materials for the elaboration of a rhetorical product. Thearticle completes this development by identifying the interaction of three instancesin rhetorical practice: theoretical, material and political. The article projects thesemore general formulations in the rhetorical analysis of color and proposes thecharacterization of a chromatic rhetorical practice that requires the intervention ofpoetic, tactical and political strategies. In a second moment, we will analyze thephenomenon of green scarves used by feminist groups in Argentina and, especially,its expansion during 2018, within the framework of the claims for the approval ofthe Voluntary Termination of Pregnancy Bill. ; Este trabajo presenta un abordaje semiótico para la retórica del color. Propone unarelectura del concepto de retórica del Grupo μ desde la noción de semiosis deCharles S. Peirce —y sus reelaboraciones metodológicas contemporáneas— y delconcepto de práctica de Louis Althusser. La aprehensión retórica de un discurso esentendida como un proceso de producción de sentido en el que determinadasestrategias interpretantes orientan la transformación de materias primas para laelaboración de un producto retórico. El artículo completa este desarrollo por mediode la identificación de la interacción de tres instancias en la práctica retórica:teórica, material y política. El artículo proyecta estas formulaciones más generalesen el análisis retórico del color y propone la caracterización de una práctica retóricacromática que requiere la intervención de estrategias poéticas, tácticas y políticas.En un segundo momento analizaremos el fenómeno de ...

During the fourth and fifth centuries BC, in the city-state of Athens, a lively debate developed around the question: how to educate? The mechanisms inherited from education, Homeric poetry and gnomic wisdom, began to be replaced by systematic theories of education. However, one of its greatest theorists, Aristotle, bequeathed us an incomplete theory due to the disappearance of the Politics books that contained his theory of education. In this article it is proposed that part of this theory can be reconstructed by making an interpretation of Rhetoric that focuses on the greek problem of education. It will be argued in favor of the following hypothesis: On Rhetoric contains sketches of a theory of education. Three arguments will be developed: 1) On Rhetoric contains a theory of education, because the young ones, one of the characters analyzed by Aristotle, are not a political entity. This implies that Aristotle does not think rhetoric only as embedded in politics, but also as having an educational scope. 2)The epidictical discourse theorized in On Rhetoric has an educational character, since its purpose is to transform the behavior of the young according to the canons established by the Aristotelian theory of education. 3) Show that there is a parallelism between word and music, both key concepts of the fragmentary theory of education outlined in Politics and On Rhetoric. Thus, it is concluded that the On Rhetoric complements the educational theory proposed in Politics by Aristotle. ; Durante los siglos cuarto y quinto antes de Cristo, en la ciudad-estado de Atenas se desarrolló un vivo debate alrededor de la pregunta ¿cómo educar? Los mecanismos heredados de la educación, la poesía homérica y la sabiduría gnómica comenzaron a ser reemplazados por teorías sistemáticas de la educación. Sin embargo, uno de sus más grandes teóricos, Aristóteles, legó una teoría incompleta debido a la desaparición de los libros de la Política que contenían el desarrollo de su teoría. Este ensayo plantea que se puede reconstruir parte de esta teoría interpretando la Retórica desde la pregunta por la educación. Para ello se expone como hipótesis que la Retórica contiene esbozos de una teoría de la educación, y se desarrollan tres argumentos principales: 1) la Retórica contiene una teoría de la educación, pues el joven, según los caracteres analizados por Aristóteles, no es una entidad política, por lo cual la Retórica además de política tiene un alcance educativo; 2) el discurso epidíctico teorizado en la Retórica tiene un carácter educativo, pues su finalidad consiste en transformar el comportamiento de los jóvenes conforme a los cánones establecidos por la teoría aristotélica de la educación; 3) existe un paralelismo entre palabra y música, ambos conceptos clave de la teoría fragmentaria de la educación esbozada en Política y Retórica. Con ello se concluye que la Retórica complementa la teoría educativa propuesta en la Política por Aristóteles.

This paper examines the crucial role the idea of history plays in John Stuart Mill's social and political thought. Insofar as Mill argues that historical change and progress are synonyms, the latter deserves a careful attention. However, academic literature has mostly regarded Mill's philosophy of history a topic of minor importance. Some of his philosophical views on history, it will be argued, clearly affect his political views, but they also inform his scientific study of society. Accordingly, historical research aims both at understanding the past to guide society's future. By analysing the different sources from which Mill draws inspiration, the paper considers his views against the background of his personal and intellectual context. Mill's temporary depression, along with Macaulay's criticism of the utilitarian ahistorical conception of politics, triggers an enquiry into the appropriate method to study society, which eventually places history at its core. His reading of Coleridge and a number of French thinkers reflects a renewed interest in the discipline. The article discusses, first, Mill's interpretation of Coleridge as Bentham's opposite pole. Later in the article, I highlight Mill's debts to Comte and Saint- Simon, especially as regards what he calls the "Inverse Deductive Method". Some remarks on French historiographers, like Mignet, Dulaure, Sismondi, Michelet and Guizot, also support my argument.

This article analyzes the use of rhetorical polemic reformulation process in the speech of the guerrillas of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia. A corpus with articles published in the online journal, Resistencia, 2010-2012 editions, consulted the websites of the insurgent group, and emergent categories were extracted by inductive analysis. As a result, reformulation types that appear in the sample and their co-occurrence with polyphonic denials described reinforcing function. The findings point to interpret the reformulation as a way to oppose the central government, through the controversial and argumentative mode. In this case, reformulation is key in the effort to build forms of political divergence in discourse, because it reinforces the distance between the actors and involves the problem of truth in the speeches of the internal armed conflict. ; Fil: Olave Arias, Giohanny. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina

The emerging power of the Latino community has become a recurring reflection for most analyses of the United States of America over the last two decades. However, their presence on the media usually focuses on two factors: the increasing immigration of undocumented workers, mostly from Mexico, and their decisive condition as voters due to their presence in the so-called "swing" States, which provides specific power to the Hispanic population to choose the President, especially when they are as disputed as the 2012 general elections. Barack Obama, whose presidential rhetoric has been extensively studied, decided to change his immigration policies during his campaign and to adapt his speech accordingly. It is our aim to study his rhetoric and figurative language as a means of electoral persuasion by analyzing two of his most representative speeches specifically addressed to a Latino audience: "Remarks by the President at the National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials Annual Conference" (2012) and "Remarks by the President on Comprehensive Immigration Reform" (2013) under those theoretical approaches of the Political Discourse Analysis, the Critical Discourse Analysis and the Corpus Approach to Critical Metaphor Analysis, at the same time based on the Conceptual Metaphor Theory, so as to perceive how the presidential speech deals with the Hispanic community. The findings analyze the frequent appeals to movement, justice and personal and local references in the form of acknowledgement together with a predominant use of conceptual metaphors on the American dream. His metaphors prove this concept is conceived by him as a path forward to citizenship, and his use of them, so common in Obama's discourse, makes him devote once again his addresses to Latinos to the uniqueness of the United States, provided by the mosaic of cultural juxtaposition. ; El poder emergente de la comunidad latina en Estados Unidos se ha convertido en referencia casi obligada en los análisis de la situación de este país en las ...

From the Constitutional Convention onwards the question of emergency powers has been central to political discussions in the United States. The debates on the National Emergencies Act of 1976 ("NEA") can be seen, however, as specifically relevant to the conception of the state of emergency in US constitutional politics. The law placed the process of declaring, executing, and terminating a state of emergency on a statutory footing and established new procedures for dealing with further emergencies. The paper examines, through the debates, the question of to what extent president's war/emergency powers are contingent on Congress exploiting its own constitutional powers. The problematic of dealing with emergency powers through the framework of a statutory delegation of power is also addressed.

The paper explores the relation between philosophy and rhetoric from a new perspective by highlighting the dramatic nature of the dialogue and paying attention not only to what is said about philosophy and rhetoric but also to what is shown, especially through Gorgias' intervention throughout the dialogue in order to save a community of dialogue that inquires into the good and the just. This re-conception of the relation between philosophy and rhetoric implies a re-conception of the practice of politics itself, rooted in a philosophy concerned with turning individual souls toward the good and a rhetoric that motivates individuals to be turned in the same direction by the words of others.

The paper explores the relation between philosophy and rhetoric from a new perspective by highlighting the dramatic nature of the dialogue and paying attention not only to what is said about philosophy and rhetoric but also to what is shown, especially through Gorgias' intervention throughout the dialogue in order to save a community of dialogue that inquires into the good and the just. This re-conception of the relation between philosophy and rhetoric implies a re-conception of the practice of politics itself, rooted in a philosophy concerned with turning individual souls toward the good and a rhetoric that motivates individuals to be turned in the same direction by the words of others.