Trentin's reflections on the union of rights and the CGIL's European project still appear highly relevant today, in particular his idea of an Italian trade union belonging to the European socialist family in line with Delors' proposal for a Federation of Nation States and with the "Spinelli Group's" battle for the coordination of economic and social policies, the European Constitution and a united Europe in foreign policy and defense. Moreover, nowadays, the definition of a social project attentive to the work universe, in a system of rights recognized for all European citizens, as well as the attention to the issue of lifelong learning and active aging is equally important for trade unions and the left wing in Italy and Europe.
Bruno Trentin's biography represents an ideal prism on the Lefts from the Cold War to globalization, technological innovation and integration processes, and the dialectic between equality and freedom in international communism, the labor movement and European socialism. In addition to his role as "passeur" between Italy and France, Trentin also established a transnational circuit of intellectuals, trade union and political leaders, communists, socialists, democratic Catholics, who crossed the orthodoxies of the Twentieth century, in the name of trade union autonomy and a libertarian socialism based on the indissoluble relationship between Rights, Europe, Federalism. With such interpretative keys, the essay explores the period of the CGIL General Secretary, the election to the European Parliament and the last political interventions (1988-2007).
The attempt proposed in this reflection is to indicate some political and cultural reasons for what Giuseppe Chiarante called "missed appointment": the one between the Pci and the new left in the sixties. The article traces, by privileging the point of view of the debate in the Pci, the reasons for this missed meeting. An in-depth overview of the various trends present in the party is given by the conference The Italian Marxism of the Sixties and the theoretical and political training of the new generations, promoted by the Gramsci Institute in 1971, which will constitute privileged material for reflection, in addition to the press of the time, the testimonies of the protagonists and the historical reflections both contemporary and recent. We will analyze the communist debate and the comparison between the "right" and the "left" of the party, the synthesis made by Luigi Longo and the reasons for the lack of effectiveness of this in the "recovery" of the dispute, despite the attitude of openness so much of the secretary (and of the Ingraian "left"), as well as of a leading part of the student movement (see Scalzone). In conclusion, it will be said that the failure will be due in part to the political and cultural differences of the "two leftists"; in the other, and above all, for the particular conformation of the political framework, which already assigned the Pci the role of representative of the alternative and did not allow further margins of real action outside it but within a communist discourse.
This work offers an analysis of the difficult relationship betwe- en jurisprudence and science, analyzing the emergency situation caused by the Covid pandemic. In the last year, political power has imposed re- strictive measures on personal, economic, religious freedom, movement, expression and the right to education to prevent the spread of the infection. If at first the jurisprudence left wide discretion to the political power, in the last period it seems to require greater transparency of data and a rationa- lity and proportionality of the measures with respect to the objectives set. Although, in fact, the executive and legislative powers are better suited to confront science and make policy decisions, it is up to jurisprudence to set the boundary that political power cannot and must not cross. Emblematic in this sense is the decision on religious freedom of the US Federal Supre- me Court. The need for control to prevent abuses and arbitrators, however, raises the problem of the complexity of a hierarchy of fundamental values, of the criteria used, of the subject appointed to carry it out. These are cru- cial choices that pertain to the very concept of democracy. In particular, the essay focuses on the methods of originalist constitutional interpretation and the common good, highlighting their advantages and criticalities. ; Il presente lavoro offre una analisi del difficile rapporto tra giuri- sprudenza e scienza, analizzando la situazione di emergenza causata dalla pandemia Covid. Nell'ultimo anno, il potere politico ha imposto per preve- nire la diffusione del contagio misure restrittive della libertà personale, eco- nomica, religiosa, di circolazione, di espressione, del diritto di istruzione. Se in un primo momento la giurisprudenza ha lasciato ampia discreziona- lità al politico, nell'ultimo periodo sembra richiedere una maggiore traspa- renza dei dati e una razionalità e proporzionalità delle misure rispetto agli obiettivi prefissati. Benché, infatti, il potere esecutivo e quello legislativo sono maggiormente adeguati a confrontarsi con la scienza e a compiere decisioni di policy, spetta alla giurisprudenza fissare il confine che il potere politico non può e non deve oltrepassare. Emblematica in tal senso è la decisione in materia di libertà religiosa della US Federal Supreme Court. La necessità di un controllo per prevenire abusi e arbitri pone, però, il proble- ma della complessità di una gerarchizzazione dei valori fondamentali, dei criteri impiegati, del soggetto deputato a compierla. Sono scelte cruciali che attengono alla concezione stessa della democrazia. In particolare, il saggio si concentra sui metodi di interpretazione costituzionale originalista e del bene comune, mettendone in luce vantaggi e criticità.
I grandi complessi di edilizia popolare costruiti a Roma nella stagione delle "giunte rosse" sono stati oggetto negli ultimi decenni di una campagna politica lanciata dalla destra, che ne ha invocato l'abbattimento presentandoli come emblemi di un'architettura ideologizzata e di un'idea sbagliata di città e di abitare perseguita dalla sinistra. Prendendo in esame protagonisti, temi, argomentazioni ed esiti di questa campagna, il contributo getta luce su una significativa contesa politica sui modelli abitativi e urbani delle periferie popolari. ; In the last twenty years or so, the large social housing estates that were built in Rome during the years of the "red administrations" have been the subject of a political campaign launched by the Right, which has called for their demolition, presenting them as emblems of an ideologized architecture and an erroneous idea of the city and of dwelling pursued by the Left. Examining the protagonists, themes, arguments and outcomes of this campaign, this article sheds light on a significant political contest on the housing and urban models of working-class peripheries.
After years of euphemistic use of the term, virality returns forcefully to disrupt our lives, traumatically bringing us back from the virtual, which we referred to long ago, to the most tragic real that escapes us and we cannot manage. Since the viral has been transformed from an adjective to a noun (the video, the content, the meme), we have forgotten the anxiety, anguish and panic that can cause true virality, or rather biological virality, then increased from media and social virality. In the so-called "new normal" of this neo-viral age, imposed by the problematic coexistence with Covid-19, and in post-pandemic society, unprecedented political cleavages and new fractures arise in the already extremely jagged field of public opinion. It is therefore reasonable to expect that the medical-scientific sector projected into politics, living a series of divisions, between center-right and center-left and between majority and opposition and, perhaps, also the genesis of further original categories and oppositions (for example, that between a "populism" and an epidemiological "reformism"). In the "Covid era", the immune and epidemiological paradigm has become a fundamental element of public life, and provides an important key for interpreting a collective mentality undergoing profound transformation, which seems to have found first and foremost behavioral models of reference but also to level of imagination in this umpteenth declination of the figure of the technician with specialist skills. The virologist, the infectious disease specialist and the epidemiologist (and, to a lesser extent, the pulmonologist) have in fact identified the "anchors" and the reference characters of the TV and social media of the current stage of the age of public democracy.
After years of euphemistic use of the term, virality returns forcefully to disrupt our lives, traumatically bringing us back from the virtual, which we referred to long ago, to the most tragic real that escapes us and we cannot manage. Since the viral has been transformed from an adjective to a noun (the video, the content, the meme), we have forgotten the anxiety, anguish and panic that can cause true virality, or rather biological virality, then increased from media and social virality. In the so-called "new normal" of this neo-viral age, imposed by the problematic coexistence with Covid-19, and in post-pandemic society, unprecedented political cleavages and new fractures arise in the already extremely jagged field of public opinion. It is therefore reasonable to expect that the medical-scientific sector projected into politics, living a series of divisions, between center-right and center-left and between majority and opposition and, perhaps, also the genesis of further original categories and oppositions (for example, that between a "populism" and an epidemiological "reformism"). In the "Covid era", the immune and epidemiological paradigm has become a fundamental element of public life, and provides an important key for interpreting a collective mentality undergoing profound transformation, which seems to have found first and foremost behavioral models of reference but also to level of imagination in this umpteenth declination of the figure of the technician with specialist skills. The virologist, the infectious disease specialist and the epidemiologist (and, to a lesser extent, the pulmonologist) have in fact identified the "anchors" and the reference characters of the TV and social media of the current stage of the age of public democracy.
Spain is undergoing a change of political scenario, with the transformation from an imperfect bipartisan party system into a multi-party polarized system on the left and right axis. The targets for which our electoral system was designed, i.e. to reduce partisan fragmentation and favour governance, are not being met. The analysis of the electoral system and its effects on the party system, based on the results of the elections held in Spain in 2019, 2016 and 2015, are the starting point to explain such change in the government system as regulated by the Spanish Constitution of 1978. ; España está experimentado un cambio de escenario político con el paso de un sistema de bipartidismo imperfecto a otro sistema pluripartidista y polarizado entre el eje izquierda y derecha. Los objetivos para los cuáles fue diseñado nuestro sistema electoral, reducir la fragmentación partidista y favorecer la gobernabilidad, no se están cumpliendoEl análisis del sistema electoral y sus efectos sobre el sistema de partidos a partir de los resultados de las últimas elecciones celebradas en España en 2019, 2016 y 2015, son el hilo argumental para exponer este cambio de tendencia en el sistema de gobierno implantado por la Constitución española de 1978. ; España está experimentado un cambio de escenario político con el paso de un sistema de bipartidismo imperfecto a otro sistema pluripartidista y polarizado entre el eje izquierda y derecha. Los objetivos para los cuáles fue diseñado nuestro sistema electoral, reducir la fragmentación partidista y favorecer la gobernabilidad, no se están cumpliendoEl análisis del sistema electoral y sus efectos sobre el sistema de partidos a partir de los resultados de las últimas elecciones celebradas en España en 2019, 2016 y 2015, son el hilo argumental para exponer este cambio de tendencia en el sistema de gobierno implantado por la Constitución española de 1978.
Questa ricerca ripercorre la vicenda del quotidiano palermitano «L'Ora» sotto la direzione di Vittorio Nisticò (1954-75), indagando, specificamente, il ruolo ch'esso ebbe nel dibattito sulla mafia. La prima parte delinea un quadro della convulsa situazione siciliana post-bellica, segnata, fra l'altro, dalla creazione della Regione autonoma e dalle lotte popolari per la terra. Fu in tale clima di mobilitazioni collettive e di innovazioni istituzionali che il gruppo storico del giornale svolse il proprio apprendistato politico e che il futuro editore, il Partito comunista, si attestò su una linea accesamente regionalista. Nel 1954 i comunisti acquisirono l'antico giornale dei Florio con l'intento di portare consensi alle sinistre, allora deboli e isolate sia a Palermo sia nelle altre città siciliane. L'idea era quella di impiegare l'istituto autonomistico come luogo d'interlocuzione politica, promuovendo larghe intese in nome del rinnovamento e dello sviluppo dell'isola, ovvero della difesa dei comuni interessi siciliani. È in quest'ottica che viene spiegata l'opzione "sicilianista" del quotidiano, venuta alla ribalta in concomitanza dell'Operazione Milazzo (ottobre 1958), quando in Sicilia si formò un governo anomalo che comprendeva dissidenti democristiani (a cominciare dal presidente Silvio Milazzo), la destra monarchica e quella neofascista, e che si reggeva sull'appoggio esterno di socialisti e comunisti. «L'Ora», che da sin dall'arrivo di Nisticò alla direzione propugnava soluzioni di unità autonomistica, sostenne con determinazione il milazzismo, assumendo un protagonismo politico senza precedenti. Contestualmente viene delineata la figura del direttore, Nisticò, il quale ebbe dai vertici del Pci il mandato di non uniformarsi al dogmatismo comunista, evitando dunque chiusure settarie e pregiudiziali. Nisticò si attenne all'incarico, muovendosi in verità con più autonomia di quanta il Partito volesse concedergli, reclutando giornalisti e collaboratori di vaglia in una logica professionale più che di appartenenza politica. Ne discese un rapporto non semplice con l'editore-partito, come testimonia l'esame dei carteggi tra Nisticò e il responsabile della stampa comunista, Amerigo Terenzi. La tesi traccia dunque una distinzione tra la linea "sicilianista", che ebbe modo di accentuarsi durante i governi Milazzo (1958-60), e quella propriamente antimafia che il giornale percorse con enfasi crescente a partire dalla prima inchiesta organica dell'autunno 1958. L'analisi permette di comprendere come la seconda si sia sviluppata in forza delle circostanze e, segnatamente, dell'escalation di violenza registratasi in quel periodo tra Palermo e provincia. L'elaborato tratteggia le figure dei giornalisti e intellettuali impegnati nel primo e più rilevante tentativo postbellico d'interpretazione del fenomeno mafioso; esamina, anche sulla base di documenti d'archivio, i reportage a puntate realizzati dal quotidiano, registrandone talora gli aspetti contraddittori e mitologici; si sofferma, fra l'altro, sulla pubblicazione di testimonianze d'eccezionale valore conoscitivo come la confessione del medico mafioso Melchiorre Allegra, rinvenuta dal cronista Mauro De Mauro, le memorie del capomafia italo-americano Nick Gentile, curate da Felice Chilanti, e il Rapporto del tenente dei carabinieri Mario Malausa. Ciò che emerge è un originale modello di giornalismo investigativo, imperniato sulla critica delle fonti, sul coraggio professionale e su una forte spinta etico-politica. La ricerca mostra come la circolarità di conoscenze promossa dal giornale e, più in generale, il suo appoggio ai reparti investigativi e alla Commissione parlamentare d'inchiesta sulla mafia – istituita nel 1963 – abbiano alimentato un virtuoso meccanismo di sensibilizzazione, concorrendo peraltro a fondare il concetto di "antimafia" nell'accezione che assunse nei decenni successivi: quella di un sostegno di gruppi politici e opinione pubblica alle forze dell'ordine e alla legalità. ; This research retraces the history of the Palermitan newspaper «L'Ora» under the Vittorio Nisticò's direction (1954-75) and investigates its role in the public debate on the Mafia. The first part outlines a view of the convulsive Sicilian post-war situation, distinguished, among other things, by the creation of the Autonomous Region and the popular struggles for the land property. In this season of collective mobilization and high expectations the newspaper's historical group carried out its political apprenticeship and the future publisher, the Italian Communist Party, lined up on a strong regionalist policy. In 1954 the Communists acquired the Florios' ancient newspaper, aiming to bring consensus to the left-wing parties, weak and isolated both in Palermo and in the other Sicilian cities. The goal was to use the Autonomous Region concept as a place for political dialogue and to promote crossing alliances in the name of the renovation and development of the island and in defence of the common Sicilian interests. In this perspective, the thesis explains the newspaper's distinct Sicilianist option. This policy particularly emerged in conjunction with the Operation Milazzo (October 1958), when an anomalous government, which included Christian Democrat dissidents (as the President Silvio Milazzo himself), the monarchist and the neo-fascist right-wings and which stood on the external support of Communists and Socialists, was formed in Sicily. «L'Ora», which had been advocating autonomist unity solutions since the beginning of Nisticò's direction, strongly supported the milazzism and took on a political role with no precedents. At the same time, a specific attention is dedicated to the figure of the director, Nisticò, who had the mandate from the PCI's leaders to not conform the newspaper policy to the communist dogmatism, to avoid detrimental closures. Nisticò complied with the assignment, acting with more autonomy than the Party wanted to grant him, and co-opted worthy journalists and collaborators in more professional than political logic. It resulted in a difficult relationship with the party-publisher, as highlighted by the correspondence with the head of the communist press, Amerigo Terenzi. Therefore, the thesis draws a distinction between the Sicilianist line, intensified during the Milazzo's governments (1958-60), and the properly anti-Mafia one that the newspaper had been following with increasing emphasis from the first organic investigation series in autumn 1958. The analysis allows us to understand how the anti-Mafia line evolved under the particular circumstances of the escalation of violence which occurred in that period in Palermo and its province, and especially in Corleone. The thesis outlines the figures of journalists and intellectuals involved in the first and most important post-fascism attempt to represent the Mafia phenomenon; it examines, evaluating archival documents too, the reports made by the newspaper, sometimes recording their contradictory and mythological aspects; it focuses on the publishing of impressive documents such as the confession of the mobster doctor Melchiorre Allegra found by the journalist Mauro De Mauro, the memories of the Italian-American Mafia boss Nick Gentile edited by Felice Chilanti and the Report of the lieutenant of the Carabinieri Mario Malausa. The research shows how the circularity of the knowledge promoted by the newspaper and, more generally, its support to the investigative departments and to the Parliament Commission of Inquiry on the Mafia – established in 1963 – fuelled a virtuous awareness-raising mechanism, contributing to set up the concept of anti-Mafia in the meaning that it would assume in the following decades: a support by the political groups and the public opinion to the forces of law and order.
The lack of a stable and remunerated work influences the aversion to politics expressed by many interviewees, in particular by housewives or other women from Southern Italy. The stable and accredited occupations favor a propensity to the left, while the self-employed move to the right. Those who claim to be left and center-left declare themselves atheists or not influenced by religion. ; La falta de un trabajo estable y remunerado influye en la aversión a la política manifestada por muchos entrevistados, especialmente por amas de casa u otras mujeres del Sur Italia. Ocupaciones estables y acreditadas favorecen una propensión a la izquierda, mientras los trabajadores autónomos se orientan hacia la derecha. Los de izquierda y centro izquierda se declaran predominantemente ateos o no influenciados por la religión. ; La mancanza di un lavoro stabile e remunerato influenza l'avversione per la politica manifestata da molti intervistati, in particolare da casalinghe o altre donne del Sud Italia. Le occupazioni stabili e accreditate favoriscono una propensione a sinistra, mentre i lavoratori autonomi si spostano a destra. Quelli di sinistra e di centro-sinistra si dichiarano prevalentemente atei o non influenzati dalla religione.
The reactions of the interviewees to the political questions of the questionnaire confirm two already known tendencies: 1) as the age grows, the political orientation tends to become rightist; 2) technical instruction tends to favor ideas from the right. A third result was only partially expected: interviewees socialized in large cities of the North have a marked propensity towards the left. The fourth result is a novelty for Italy: women favor the left (moderate) more than men. ; El objetivo de esta contribución es analizar la orientación política de los ciudadanos italianos, teniendo en cuenta sus principales características personales. Las reacciones de los entrevistados a las preguntas políticas del cuestionario confirman dos tendencias ya conocidas: 1) al crecer la edad, la orientación política tiende a convertirse en derechista; 2) la instrucción técnica tiende a favorecer ideas de derecha. Un tercero resultado era solo parcialmente esperado: los entrevistados socializados en grades ciudades del Norte tienen una acentuada propensión hacia la izquierda. El cuarto resultado es una novedad por la Italia: mujeres favorecen la izquierda (moderada) más que los varones. ; Le reazioni degli intervistati alle domande politiche del questionario confermano due tendenze già note: 1) man mano che l'età cresce, l'orientamento politico tende a diventare di destra; 2) l'istruzione tecnica tende a favorire le idee di destra. Un terzo risultato è stato solo parzialmente previsto: gli intervistati socializzati nelle grandi città del Nord hanno una spiccata propensione verso la sinistra. Il quarto risultato è una novità per l'Italia: le donne preferiscono la sinistra (moderata) più degli uomini.
Since postwar, Italians are famous in Europe for their intense political and electoral participation. However, in the comparative survey we are reporting, as well as in all the recent local surveys, this legend is being strongly challenged. Other surprising result is that class consciousness is higher among those who vote for the right; left-wing voters are mainly composed by the medium and higher bourgeoisie; the apolitical, the right-wing voters and the "5 stelle" (a new party) by the small bourgeoisie, the workers and the employees. ; Desde el período de la posguerra, los italianos son famosos en Europa por su intensa participación política y electoral. En esta investigación comparativa, como en todas las investigaciones locales recientes, esta leyenda ha sido cuestionada. Otro resultado sorprendente es que la conciencia de clase es más alta entre los que votan por la derecha. Los votantes de izquierda están particularmente presentes en la burguesía media-alta; los apolíticos, los votantes de derecha y de los "5 estrellas" en la pequeña burguesía, entre los trabajadores y los empleados. ; Dal dopoguerra gli italiani sono famosi in Europa per la loro intensa partecipazione politica ed elettorale. In questa ricerca comparata, così come in tutte le recenti indagini locali, questa leggenda è stata messa in discussione. Un altro risultato sorprendente è che la coscienza di classe è più alta tra coloro che votano a destra. Gli elettori di sinistra sono principalmente presenti nella borghesia medio-alta; gli apolitici, gli elettori di destra e dei "5 stelle" nella piccola borghesia, fra i lavoratori e gli impiegati.