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Defence date: 20 March 1987 ; Examining Board: Prof. A. Melucci, Università di Milano ; Prof. G. Pasquino, Supervisor, Università di Bologna e Johns Hopkins University ; Prof. A. Pizzorno, I.U.E. e Harvard University ; Prof. P. Schmitter, Supervisor, I.U.E. e Stanford University ; Prof. S. Tarrow, Cornwell University ; First made available online on 10 September 2013.

This article discusses the representation of Diego Armando Maradona in popular culture from the perspective of utopian studies. Analysing the Netflix documentary series Maradona in Mexico (2019) and the film Maradona by Kusturica (dir. Emir Kusturica, 2008), in addition to selected examples from Latin American cultural production such as songs and TV programmes, the article maps the utopian tropes that are often associated with the figure of Maradona, generally represented as a saviour of working and popular sectors of society, and as an emancipatory political figure aligned with left-wing regimes in Latin America.

Social movements scholarship has increasingly turned to the study of direct social actions (DSAs) in times of economic hardship. This paper broadens this perspective to extreme right organisations. Combining a Political Claims Analysis of newspaper articles and online press releases, with a qualitative discussion of online propaganda material, we explore the engagement in direct social activism by three neo-fascist organisations in Italy: Forza Nuova, Fiamma Tricolore and CasaPound Italia (1996 -2015). Our findings suggest that their propensi-ty to direct social activism, rather than being exclusively related to economic distress, responds to a broad set of ideological, organisational and strategic incentives. Ideologically, DSAs are linked to the interpretation of the re-lationship between ideas and action of historical Fascism and of parts of the Italian neo-fascist tradition. Organi-sationally, DSAs serve as a tool to build support and solidarity, especially at the local level. Strategically, they are used to frame activism as a direct intervention in defence of interests of native peoples, and against political elites accused of being unresponsive to the needs of citizens. Our results offer a first empirical observation of the use of DSAs by extreme right actors, paving the way for comparative work at the cross-national level and on dif-ferent arenas of engagement

Social movements scholarship has increasingly turned to the study of direct social actions (DSAs) in times of economic hardship. This paper broadens this perspective to extreme right organisations. Combining a Political Claims Analysis of newspaper articles and online press releases, with a qualitative discussion of online propaganda material, we explore the engagement in direct social activism by three neo-fascist organisations in Italy: Forza Nuova, Fiamma Tricolore and CasaPound Italia (1996 -2015). Our findings suggest that their propensi-ty to direct social activism, rather than being exclusively related to economic distress, responds to a broad set of ideological, organisational and strategic incentives. Ideologically, DSAs are linked to the interpretation of the re-lationship between ideas and action of historical Fascism and of parts of the Italian neo-fascist tradition. Organi-sationally, DSAs serve as a tool to build support and solidarity, especially at the local level. Strategically, they are used to frame activism as a direct intervention in defence of interests of native peoples, and against political elites accused of being unresponsive to the needs of citizens. Our results offer a first empirical observation of the use of DSAs by extreme right actors, paving the way for comparative work at the cross-national level and on dif-ferent arenas of engagement

Social movements scholarship has increasingly turned to the study of direct social actions (DSAs) in times of economic hardship. This paper broadens this perspective to extreme right organisations. Combining a Political Claims Analysis of newspaper articles and online press releases, with a qualitative discussion of online propaganda material, we explore the engagement in direct social activism by three neo-fascist organisations in Italy: Forza Nuova, Fiamma Tricolore and CasaPound Italia (1996 -2015). Our findings suggest that their propensi-ty to direct social activism, rather than being exclusively related to economic distress, responds to a broad set of ideological, organisational and strategic incentives. Ideologically, DSAs are linked to the interpretation of the re-lationship between ideas and action of historical Fascism and of parts of the Italian neo-fascist tradition. Organi-sationally, DSAs serve as a tool to build support and solidarity, especially at the local level. Strategically, they are used to frame activism as a direct intervention in defence of interests of native peoples, and against political elites accused of being unresponsive to the needs of citizens. Our results offer a first empirical observation of the use of DSAs by extreme right actors, paving the way for comparative work at the cross-national level and on dif-ferent arenas of engagement

If the wage indexation rate is chosen discretionarily, a Left hand government lowers it in order to increase the output effects of surprise inflation, while a Right hand government prefers high indexation. These choices magnify the differences between the inflation rates preferred by the two parties. When binding commitments before the signature of the labor contract are possible, both parties prefer a higher wage indexation with respect to the discretionary situation, in order to reduce the inflationary bias.

In quello che Paolo Grossi chiama il medioevo sapienziale i giuristi si impegnano a definire una serie di regole tese alla composizione delle controversie di confine: non ci sono infatti testi normativi precostituiti che le definiscano. Il Corpus Iuris si occupa, quasi esclusivamente, della conflittualità confinaria tra privati. Quando il richiamo ai testi del diritto romano viene effettuato serve solo per conferire 'autorevolezza' a soluzioni che assai spesso si fondano su pratiche di composizione legate alla prassi. Le regole elaborate dai giuristi medievali trovano così la loro formalizzazione sul piano del diritto, ma rinviano a un modo di vivere i confini tra comunità legato agli spostamenti, alle abitudini, alle comuni necessità esistenziali. D'altra parte l'esistenza di demarcazioni nette (che pure esistono) rinvia non tanto a una pretesa politica esclusiva e totalizzante, quanto piuttosto all'esercizio di diritti e prerogative determinati. ; In what Paolo Grossi calls «the sapiential Middle Ages» jurists engaged themselves in defining a set of rules aiming at the settlement of boundary disputes, which previously were not established by any normative text. The Corpus Iuris concerns nearly exclusively boundary disputes between private individuals. References to texts of the Roman law were meant to give 'authority' to resolutions often based upon customary praxis. The norms elaborated by Middle Ages jurists are thus given a formal legal shape; yet, they are linked to a perception of the boundaries between communities that was affected by the displacements, the customs, the common needs of everyday life. On the other side the existence of actual neat demarcations was linked to the exertion of certain rights and privileges rather than to an exclusive and absolute political claim.

In quello che Paolo Grossi chiama il medioevo sapienziale i giuristi si impegnano a definire una serie di regole tese alla composizione delle controversie di confine: non ci sono infatti testi normativi precostituiti che le definiscano. Il Corpus Iuris si occupa, quasi esclusivamente, della conflittualità confinaria tra privati. Quando il richiamo ai testi del diritto romano viene effettuato serve solo per conferire 'autorevolezza' a soluzioni che assai spesso si fondano su pratiche di composizione legate alla prassi. Le regole elaborate dai giuristi medievali trovano così la loro formalizzazione sul piano del diritto, ma rinviano a un modo di vivere i confini tra comunità legato agli spostamenti, alle abitudini, alle comuni necessità esistenziali. D'altra parte l'esistenza di demarcazioni nette (che pure esistono) rinvia non tanto a una pretesa politica esclusiva e totalizzante, quanto piuttosto all'esercizio di diritti e prerogative determinati. ; In what Paolo Grossi calls «the sapiential Middle Ages» jurists engaged themselves in defining a set of rules aiming at the settlement of boundary disputes, which previously were not established by any normative text. The Corpus Iuris concerns nearly exclusively boundary disputes between private individuals. References to texts of the Roman law were meant to give 'authority' to resolutions often based upon customary praxis. The norms elaborated by Middle Ages jurists are thus given a formal legal shape; yet, they are linked to a perception of the boundaries between communities that was affected by the displacements, the customs, the common needs of everyday life. On the other side the existence of actual neat demarcations was linked to the exertion of certain rights and privileges rather than to an exclusive and absolute political claim.

The aim of this article is to give an account of Hegel's conception of right as a mutual implication of ethical and political life against the backdrop of the modern theories of right, based on the construction of a sovereign will authorized by the procedure of representation and on the notion of a threefold division of the powers of the State. After having clarified Hegel's definition of State as the actuality of the ethical Idea, I will provide a stepwise reconstruction of the inner logic of the constitution (Verfassung), as it is articulated in its three main moments: the power of the monarch (singularity), the civil society (particularity), and the legislative power (universality). Specifically, I will argue that, from the Outlines of the Philosophy of Right (1820) to the Enciclopedia of 1827 and 1830, passing through the course of 1824/25, Hegel's texts show the discontinuous development of a broad and original notion of government (Regierung), which, in the §541 of the Enciclopedia of 1830, culminates in the identification of government with the political State. Thus, the traditional distinction of powers ends up being transformed into the articulation of three ruling agencies, which are actively present in every sphere of the constitution, without, however, pretending to reduce or eliminate any of them.

La ricerca affronta il rapporto tra il Partito comunista italiano e le organizzazioni della sinistra extraparlamentare nate nel biennio 1968-1969. Sulla base di documentazione d'archivio e fonti a stampa, vengono ricostruite ed analizzate le relazioni tra questi due soggetti nel periodo compreso tra la fine degli anni Sessanta e la metà del decennio successivo, quando i principali gruppi politici della sinistra extraparlamentare si dotarono di una struttura organizzativa più stabile che segnava una discontinuità con l'esperienza precedente. Nel corso della prima metà degli anni Settanta, i rapporti tra il PCI e queste organizzazioni furono complessi e talvolta contraddittori. Il conflitto si consumò prevalentemente sulla reciproca pretesa di possedere l'esclusiva rappresentanza politica del fermento sociale che attraversava il paese in quegli anni: il PCI rappresentando se stesso come l'unica forza politica capace di mediare tra movimenti sociali e istituzioni; i gruppi della sinistra parlamentare come «avanguardie» di un irrealizzabile progetto «rivoluzionario». ; The aim of the research is to reconstruct and interpret the relationship between the Italian Communist Party and the Radical Left-Wing Groups in Italy from 1969 to 1976. Based on researches in the archives of the Italian Communist Party, Ministry of Interior and small archives that conserve unpublished documents of the groups, the paper will focus on the constant attention and monitoring that the Italian Communist Party addressed to the extreme left groups and on how those political organizations have been changed their approach and strategy toward the PCI during this period. During the first half of the Seventies, the relationship between the PCI and these organizations were complex and sometimes contradictory. The conflict was consumed mainly on the mutual claim to possess the exclusive political representation of the social unrest that crossed the country in those years: the PCI representing himself as the only political force capable of mediating between social movements and institutions; the Radical Left-Wing Groups as «avant-garde» of a unfeasible «revolutionary» project.

Research into the legal status of foreigners in East Adriatic medieval urban communities is, unfortunately, hindered by the lack of sources. This insurmountable obstacle does not permit a deeper and more comprehensive insight into this challenging topic. The legal status of foreigners may only be studied for the period from the second half of the thirteenth and, especially, early fourteenth century onwards. It is in this period and thanks to the revival of the Roman law that East Adriatic urban communes, following the example set by their Italian counterparts, began to set down their own collections of written laws (statutes). The statutes paid attention to the regulation of the legal status of foreigners. The statutes are indeed the richest and the most important sources for this topic. Yet it is important to keep in mind that the diversity of the socio-economic and political concerns of each individual commune shaped their individual attitudes towards foreigners. This diversity makes a general appraisal of the legal status of foreigners in East Adriatic communes difficult. The best we can do is to point out certain trends in the statutory legislations. Following the example set by the twelfth and thirteenth century trading contracts, with which the urban communes regulated free trade between them and ensured the personal and material security of its merchants, many of the statutes' regulations focused on the issues around the property and procedural criminal law, as well as law proceedings. These regulations provided foreigners with legal protection against arbitrary acts committed by the host town and provided a swift legal action in the case of material or personal injury. Yet in order to protect their own interests as well as the interests of their citizens, the communes often applied various exclusions to the regulations concerning foreigners. These exclusions were mostly expressed in the area of the law of obligations (securing obligations, cession, claims, loans, borrowing, purchase contracts etc.) as well as the material law and in particular the property law. The most important exclusion concerning the foreigner's right to property—indeed one that received the greatest amount of attention in the statutes—was the limitation to their ownership of real estate. Limitations in this area were not as rigid as it may seem at first glance, as the statutory regulations in certain communes did give (conditional) right to own real estate. In most cases, purchase of real estate required the concurrence of the communal body in charge, or the bestowal of residence rights (habitator). Yet foreigners who had been granted residence and then moved away at their own will, in some towns faced punishment by confiscation of their immovable assets. In some cases, the rights of the foreigner-owner of the real estate were limited so that s/he was permitted to bequest their real estate only to the persons not subject to secular authorities—ie the clerics. This prohibition, however, applied equally to the town dwellers and to foreigners. Furthermore, with respect to the acquisition of the property, foreigners suffered explicit limitations. An example is the regulation that prohibited the residents to name the foreigner as their heir, or the prohibition from participating in public auctions. Other limitations to the foreigners' right to own property specified in the town statutes referred, for the most part, to their movable assets, that is the products and the commodities they traded (wheat, wine, salt, wood). These goods were of vital importance for the economic life of the commune. Similar limitations may be found in regulations concerning exploitation of communal natural resources. As the examples above indicate, the statutory legislation was first and foremost focused upon the regulation of those questions that the commune considered especially important from a long-term perspective. Yet as sources for the history of the legal status of foreigners in East Adriatic communal societies, the statutes are insufficient.

Italian actors are a weakly protected and chronically crumbled category: after decades of inertia the pandemic pushed to a cohesive mobilization of the performers, which stood and fought openly in defense of their rights. In the following months, many actors have revived the debate, mostly online, and through social media. They made calls and petitions, requesting economic aid and a regulatory framework to protect their rights. The most active organization is U.N.I.T.A. (Unione Nazionale Interpreti Teatro e Audiovisivo), an association founded during the most critical times of the pandemic, led by Vittoria Puccini and other well-known Italian actors. U.N.I.T.A.'s public statements primarily dealt with the problems related to the pandemic crisis to get, nowadays, to more complex (and rather old) issues related to the qualification and recognition of the actor's professional role: rights of publicity in the new mediascape (for instance, streaming performances), the urgency of a guarantee fund, gender equality, the establishment of a professional register. In light of the above, the aim of the paper is firstly to reconstruct these actors' collective stance-taking initiatives and the ways in which they were organized and promoted. Secondly, the contribution will analyze how this network activity has increased the professional recognition and relevance of the actor in the Italian media production field. Reflecting on the activity of networking, the analysis will consider how a traditionally fragmented category is now developing a consciousness of its role as a political intermediary and cultural endorser, also in the context of school education.

This work offers an analysis of the difficult relationship betwe- en jurisprudence and science, analyzing the emergency situation caused by the Covid pandemic. In the last year, political power has imposed re- strictive measures on personal, economic, religious freedom, movement, expression and the right to education to prevent the spread of the infection. If at first the jurisprudence left wide discretion to the political power, in the last period it seems to require greater transparency of data and a rationa- lity and proportionality of the measures with respect to the objectives set. Although, in fact, the executive and legislative powers are better suited to confront science and make policy decisions, it is up to jurisprudence to set the boundary that political power cannot and must not cross. Emblematic in this sense is the decision on religious freedom of the US Federal Supre- me Court. The need for control to prevent abuses and arbitrators, however, raises the problem of the complexity of a hierarchy of fundamental values, of the criteria used, of the subject appointed to carry it out. These are cru- cial choices that pertain to the very concept of democracy. In particular, the essay focuses on the methods of originalist constitutional interpretation and the common good, highlighting their advantages and criticalities. ; Il presente lavoro offre una analisi del difficile rapporto tra giuri- sprudenza e scienza, analizzando la situazione di emergenza causata dalla pandemia Covid. Nell'ultimo anno, il potere politico ha imposto per preve- nire la diffusione del contagio misure restrittive della libertà personale, eco- nomica, religiosa, di circolazione, di espressione, del diritto di istruzione. Se in un primo momento la giurisprudenza ha lasciato ampia discreziona- lità al politico, nell'ultimo periodo sembra richiedere una maggiore traspa- renza dei dati e una razionalità e proporzionalità delle misure rispetto agli obiettivi prefissati. Benché, infatti, il potere esecutivo e quello legislativo sono maggiormente adeguati a confrontarsi con la scienza e a compiere decisioni di policy, spetta alla giurisprudenza fissare il confine che il potere politico non può e non deve oltrepassare. Emblematica in tal senso è la decisione in materia di libertà religiosa della US Federal Supreme Court. La necessità di un controllo per prevenire abusi e arbitri pone, però, il proble- ma della complessità di una gerarchizzazione dei valori fondamentali, dei criteri impiegati, del soggetto deputato a compierla. Sono scelte cruciali che attengono alla concezione stessa della democrazia. In particolare, il saggio si concentra sui metodi di interpretazione costituzionale originalista e del bene comune, mettendone in luce vantaggi e criticità.

La tesi è una ricerca di storia politica che affianca due diverse "storie" di centro-sinistra, quella nazionale e quella che vide protagonista la Democrazia Cristiana del Trentino. Lo studio analizza i fatti attraverso il filtro delle DC come se quello trentino e quello nazionale fossero due partiti, per poi tentare di capire ciò che accadeva alla loro sinistra alla ricerca dei diversi pesi e dei differenti equilibri che al centro e alla periferia si manifestavano nei rapporti con il PSI e con il PCI, e per osservare le reazioni della Chiesa così da valutare se le gerarchie romane e quelle trentine interagirono in modo differente sugli sviluppi delle rispettive esperienze politiche di quegli anni. Il testo è organizzato in quattro capitoli. Il primo e il secondo (speculari e dedicati allo stesso lustro: 1955-1960) rappresentano un confronto tra i differenti iter d'avvicinamento al centro-sinistra che la politica nazionale e quella trentina sperimentarono nella seconda metà degli anni Cinquanta. Nel terzo capitolo (1960-1964) e nel quarto (1964-1968) le vicende nazionali e quelle locali sono invece raccontate in modo intrecciato, ripercorrendo le diverse fasi dell'alleanza tra Democrazia Cristiana e Partito Socialista, e nel contempo dando conto della trasformazione del Trentino da una realtà di tipo agricolo ad una di tipo industriale, del passaggio da una comunità di tipo cattolico tradizionale ad una che si accinge a vivere in un contesto secolarizzato, e da una società che si autopercepisce come periferica ad una che ospita una delle contestazioni studentesche più peculiari, incisive e note d'Italia. ; This thesis is a research of political history focusing on the evolution of the coalition built between the Italian Parties Democrazia Cristiana (DC) and Partito Socialista Italiano (PSI) in the Italian region of Trentino Alto Adige. The study analyses the facts through the filter of the political party DC as if the local and the national were two parties, then tries to understand what was happening to their left, by researching the different way of behaving towards the Italian Socialist Party (PSI) and the Italian Communist Party (PCI) at national and at regional level. Another element of the research was to observe the reactions of the Church in order to assess whether the Roman and the Trentino hierarchies interacted differently during the developments of their political experiences during those years. The paper is organised into four chapters. The first and second (structured in the same way and dedicated to the same five years: 1955-1960) represent a comparison of the different process of approaching the center-left that the national and the trentino politics experienced during the second half of the Fifties. In the third chapter (1960-1964) and the fourth (1964-1968) national and local events are reported in a twisted way, retracing the different phases of the alliance between the Christian Democrats and the Socialist Party, and at the same time explaining the transformation experienced by Trentino from a rural land into an industrial region, the transition from a traditional Catholic community type to one that is going to live in a secular context, and from a society that perceives itself as peripheral into one that hosts one of the most distinctive, influential and famous students protest of Italy.

La scienza ha oramai un ruolo trainante nel mondo, anche rispetto allo sviluppo economico e sociale, e ciò ha fatto sì che istituzioni e diritto, pervasi da questa evoluzione, abbiano dovuto dedicare particolare attenzione alla regolamentazione della tecnoscienza. La commistione fra scienza, società e politica è tale da incidere profondamente sull'intero sistema Stato, rendendo perciò evidente la necessità di ripensare ai concetti fondamentali del diritto delle Nuove Tecnologie. Nel Nostro Paese l'analisi di questo rapporto è avvenuta in chiave soprattutto bioetica.Nascono nuovi diritti e nuovi status giuridici quali "cittadinanza biologica", "cittadinanza genetica", "identità biologica", "identità genetica" e tanti altri ancora.Con la seguente tesi di ricerca, si è presa in considerazione una branca specifica delle Nuove Tecnologie: la genetica in tutte le sue sfaccettature (ambito curativo, ambito di ricerca-biobanche ed ambito brevettuale); in particolare, vengono affrontate non solo le problematiche di natura (bio)etica che sorgono dalla diffusione di queste nuove conoscenze (si veda il primo capitolo, dedicato ad una panoramica generale dei nuovi diritti), ma anche le questioni relative al trattamento ed alla protezione dei dati genetici, con profonde ripercussioni in tutte le dimensioni sociali e giuridiche. ; Science has an exemplary role in the world, also compared to the social and economic develop: public institutions and law are dedicating to regulation of technoscience. The mixture of science, society and politics is so important that they influence all the "State-System" and express a need to rethinking about fundamental principles of Law of the New Technologies. In Italy this type of analysis is studied by a bioethical point of view. Now are born new rights and new juridical status: biological citizenship, genetic citizenship, biological identity, genetic identity, and so others. In this work I write about genetic, all fields of genetic (medicine, biobanks and patents); in particular it speaks about bioethical problems and also about genetic data protection (it called genetic privacy).