Suchergebnisse

The present study legal analysis of the legal aspects of violations of political rights and freedoms of men and citizen in the modern Russian criminal law, which is currently, despite the urgency of the problem, little studied in the direction from the point of view of the theory and from the practical point of view.

In Hungary, during 2010-2015 the growing xenophobic attitudes are noticed in the society, and right radical extremist groups gain power. The aim of the article is to identify the most significant factors that encourage xenophobia in Hungary. The types of right organizations and their electoral performance are determined. Our hypothesis is that the activity of right extremist organizations influences the formation of xenophobic social practices in Hungary. By means of factor analysis the author identified the main directions and forms of activity of right radicals, determined the value of socio-economic dynamics of Hungary, characterized the attitudes of society, the law and the ruling elite to the problems of xenophobia and right radicalism. Among the most influential factors we should name: open propaganda of nationalist ideas; constitutional priority to the interests of ethnic Hungarians; parliamentary membership of the Movement "For a Better Hungary"; condoning by the ruling elite, the courts and the police of the right radical activity. The paper presents the trend in the contemporary Hungary: the public demonstrates intolerance to right radicalism in cases of criminal behavior, but for the most part is loyal to its ideologies. Except for oppositional human rights organizations and ethnic communities, a significant part of Hungarian society often shows nearly complete indifference to the issues of xenophobia, racial and ethnic discrimination. The author described five groups of factors that stimulate the reproduction of xenophobic attitudes and practices among various groups of the population: "historical", institutional, socioeconomic, legal and political. The paper uses empirical data of public opinion polls conducted by leading research centers in Hungary, as well as statistical data of public authorities, civil society institutions.

The article is dedicated to the memory of MSU Professor Sergei Mikhailovich Korneev in connection with the 100th anniversary of his birth. Grateful memory allows the author to turn over the pages of his life history, emphasizing the huge contribution to the training of students working at universities in various parts of our country today. With the versatility of scientific interests and the presence of numerous works, S. M. Korneev, according to the author, had a special attitude to the doctrine of state property law created by him. Having singled out the fundamental characteristics of state property law as an economic phenomenon from the works of Professor Korneev, the author made an attempt to search for their development in the works of modern foreign civilists. And this attempt was crowned with success, because on the pages of the publication it was possible to prove that the professor's ideas, even if not in an absolute form, are making their way, demonstrating the development in the research of modern foreign authors.

For the most part, electoral and party research today is centered on the behavior of voters in two or four major clusters that can be conventionally placed on a scale from left to right. On the same scale, there are smaller groups whose value of separation is often questioned. This paper focuses on one of these groups: we consider a segment of voters united on the basis of their support for right-wing liberal parties and try to identify the most significant determinants of their choice. Based on the existing concepts of voting and data from the European Social Survey, 2016–2018, we generalize possible predictors – party and political selfidentification, ideological stances, social setting and material status – up to three theories ('ideological core', 'defectors' and 'winners'), and test their plausibility using regression tools. Modeling results show that for a number of parameters the separation of new subgroup is justified. First, we reject the hypothesis of a strategic non-voting for right-liberals (on the contrary, respondents often "strategically" vote for them rather than for some personally closer party). Second, we find similar characteristics of the voter profile in different European countries; in particular, people who share the values of non-interference (associated with opposition to income redistribution and cultural restrictions) are more inclined to electorally back the liberal right. On the other hand, for a complete picture it is not enough to indicate ideological or cleavage preferences: the fact of voting is strongly influenced by person's socio-economic background, confirming the earlier remarks about certain "privileges" in this electoral segment.

The article is devoted to political practices of left-wing radical organizations and movements operating in the territory of Ukraine. Based on the results of empirical analysis of the content of most prominent organizations' web pages the main political practices are identified. The distribution of these practices into three groups (radical ideological and propagandistic practice, legal political practices and illegal political practice) is proposed. It is concluded that the first group practices are particularly important for the radical left-wing radicals. The radical potential of the neutral and legal practices is stated. ; Статья посвящена исследованию политических практик леворадикальных организаций и движений, действующих на территории Украины. По результатам эмпирического анализа содержания интернет-страниц наиболее заметных организаций выделены основные политические практики. Предлагается распределение этих практик на три условные группы: идеолого-пропагандистские радикальные практики, легальные политические практики и нелегальные политические практики. Делается вывод об особом значении первой группы практик для левых радикалов, а также о радикалистском потенциале даже легальных и нейтральных практик. ; Статтю присвячено дослідженню політичних практик ліворадикальних організацій і рухів, що діють на території Україні. За результатами емпіричного аналізу змісту інтернет-сторінок найбільш помітних організацій виділені їхні основні політичні практики. Пропонується розподіл цих практик на три умовні групи: ідеолого-пропагандистські радикальні практики, легальні політичні практики і нелегальні політичні практики. Робиться висновок про особливе значення першої групи практик для лівих радикалів, а також про радикалістський потенціал навіть легальних і нейтральних практик.

The article analyzes the nature of the political system of modern China in the context of the typology of communist political regimes. The author argues that the typologies of communist regimes proposed so far are of little use, since the differences between the regimes were not considered deeply enough, while the ideology factor was not actually used as a criterion for typological differences. The article proposes a new typology of communist regimes, in which the ideological factor is the key criterion. Based on the analysis of various communist regimes in accordance with the ideological criterion, the author identifies three main types of communist regimes: left-communist, right-communist and bureaucratic, and defines the current Chinese regime as evolving from right-communist to bureaucratic. The author concludes that the Chinese political experiment deserves close study and a departure from the West-centric clichés that still dominate world political science and historical science, and the new typology of communist regimes can serve as a useful tool both for its analysis and for clarifying the prospects for China's development. ; В статье анализируется характер политической системы современного Китая в контексте типологии коммунистических политических режимов. Автор утверждает, что предлагавшиеся до сегодняшнего дня типологии коммунистических режимов являются малополезными, так как различия между режимами рассматривались недостаточно глубоко, при этом как критерий типологических различий фактически не использовался фактор идеологии. В статье предлагается новая типология коммунистических режимов, в которой ключевым критерием служит именно идеологический фактор. На основе анализа различных коммунистических режимов в соответствии с идеологическим критерием автор выделяет три основных типа коммунистических режимов: левокоммунистический, правокоммунистический и бюрократический, и определяет нынешний китайский режим как эволюционирующий от правокоммунистического к бюрократическому. Автор заключает, что китайский политический эксперимент заслуживает пристального изучения и отхода от западоцентристских клише, все еще господствующих в мировой политологии и исторической науке, и новая типология коммунистических режимов может послужить полезным инструментом как для его анализа, так и для выяснения перспектив развития Китая.

The article is dedicated to the analysis of influence of the human rights issue on the development of German-Chinese political relations at the present stage. The author analyses main issues of the Germany- China human rights dialogue, its legal basis, the positions and arguments of the sides. In the author's opinion, one of the main obstacles to the development of cooperation between Germany and China in this area is a different perception of the nature of human rights. The author concludes that both Germany and China in effect are willing to put aside the issue of "human rights violations" and criticism of non-compliance with fundamental civil and political rights of Chinese citizens for the sake of economic and trade cooperation between the two countries.

The article considers basic approaches to the definition of the right to good administration in modern European and Russian administrative legal science; prospects for implementation of foreign ideas in the Russian legislation are revealed. Modernization of administration is a constant responsibility of the state. Present solutions help to detect the right vector for progressive development of the system of state and municipal administration. Successive transformation of idea for good administration is the priority of development of the Russian Federation, approved legislative acts prove the wish of authorities to build accurate and harmonious relations in man-state system. ; В статье рассматриваются основные подходы к определению «права на хорошее управление» в современной европейской и российской административно-правовой науке, раскрываются направления реализации зарубежных идей в российском законодательстве. Совершенствование управленческой деятельности – это постоянная обязанность государства. Сегодняшние решения позволяют обнаружить верный вектор дальнейшего поступательного развития системы государственного и муниципального управления. Последовательное претворение в жизнь идеи «хорошего управления» с определенной очевидностью является приоритетом развития Российской Федерации, а принимаемые законодательные акты свидетельствуют о желании власти выстраивать четкие и гармоничные отношения в системе «человек-государство».

This article examines the political discourse on foreign-culture immigrants, that forms the agenda of the Danish government. The difficulties of integrating migrants increase with the influx of asylum seekers and family reunification, when the rate of their admission exceeds the rate of naturalisation (absorption) of diasporas, that Danes see as a threat to social cohesion. A "preventive" immigration policy has emerged, demonstrating significant restrictions that reduce the influx of refugees. The discourse of restrictive policy supported by the electorate determined the government's agenda based on agreements between the center-left Social Democratic Party, the center-right Liberal Party of Wenströ, and the far-right Danish National Party (DNP) with its anti-immigrant agenda. At the same time, the ruling parties, weakening the support of the extreme right-wing parties, "intercept" the provisions of the DNP programme.

Restrictions on the political agenda concern mainly foreign-culture immigrants: strict regulation of the admission of asylum seekers, granting a residence permit, family reunification, initial distribution to municipalities and resettlement of immigrant "ghettos". This is combined with the education of immigrants based on the values ​​of social cohesion, work for the welfare state, and the inclusion of immigrant children in educational institutions. The discourse also includes the issues of deportation of immigrants, including asylum seekers, who commit crimes, the detention of asylum seekers not in Denmark and the EU countries, but in third countries that the government intends to make special agreements with. Taking into account the difficulties of returning refugees to the countries of origin, even if life there has become safer, this option is considered the most optimum, and appropriate work is being carried out in this direction.

The EU leadership condemns such a policy, but in the conditions of the weakness of its immigration policy, legal collisions, as well as the weakening of the solidarity of the Union members, there is no political opportunity from the outside to forcibly adjust the Danish state policy. In other EU countries, Denmark's preventive restrictive policy can be perceived as a positive model for the reception and integration of refugees of other cultures. The Danish experience is also useful for Russia, where problems arise in working with foreign-culture diasporas. In addition, such restrictive policies are helping to strengthen mobilisation mechanisms to combat the COVID-19 pandemic.

Ключевые слова: евроинтеграция, конфедерализм, Маастрихтский договор, Н. Саркози, правоцентристы, федерализм, Ш. де Голль. = Keywords: center-right forces, Ch. de Gaulle, confederalism, European integration, federalism, Maastricht Treaty, N. Sarkozy. Раздел "Международные отношения". ; В статье прослеживается эволюция евроинтеграционной политики французских правоцентристов, позицию которых наиболее ярко представляют французские президенты (Ш. де Голль, Ж. Помпиду, В. Жискар д'Эстен, Ж. Ширак и Н. Саркози). Подчеркивается, насколько важным этапом для Франции стал Маастрихтский договор 1992 г. Рассматриваются проблемы, с которыми столкнулся ЕС в первом десятилетии XXI в., а также попытки их преодоления Н. Саркози как президента и лидера правоцентристов. Автор делает вывод о решающем значении французских правоцентристских политических сил в развитии процесса европейской интеграции. = The article tracks the evolution of the European integration policy of French center-right parties which position is more clearly represented by the French presidents (Ch. de Gaulle, G. Pompidou, G. d'Éstaing, J. Chirac and N. Sarkozy). The article emphasizes the importance of the 1992 Maastricht Treaty for France. Problems which the EU came across during the first decade of the 21st century and attempts to overcome them by N. Sarkozy as a president and the center-right leader are considered in the article. The author makes a conclusion on a crucial significance of French center-right political forces in development of the European integration process.

В статье ставится задача рассмотреть понятия личности, права, государства: правовое государство, права и свободы человека, гражданина. Определить идеи гармонизации отношений личности и государства, фактическое положение человека, масштаб его свободы. Ставятся задачи на определение основных прав и свобод человека и гражданина. Так же в статье классифицируют обязанности: личные; политические; экономические; социальные; культурные. В связи с этим устанавливаются и рассматриваются обязанности гражданина Украины, которые прописаны в Конституции и приведены для общей наглядности. ; The article raises the problem of the study of personality, law and state: the legal state, rights and freedoms of the individual citizen. To define the idea of harmonization of relations of the individual and the state, the actual position of the person, the scale of his freedom. Goals definition of fundamental rights and freedoms of a person and a citizen. The article also classifies responsibilities: personal; political; economic; social; cultural. It addresses the responsibilities of a citizen of Ukraine, which are set out in the Constitution and provides for total visibility. The materials of this article highlight the authority of government and its definition, provides the analysis to understand the state and society.

Раздел "Международные отношения" ; В данной статье автор рассматривает влияние иммиграционного вопроса на политическую борьбу «левых» и «правых» партий Франции. На основании проведенного анализа сделаны следующие выводы. Во-первых, иммиграционный вопрос стал новым фактором в политической борьбе «левых» и «правых» французских партий в 1981—1988 гг. Во-вторых, находясь у власти в самом начале рассматриваемого периода, «левые» партии не смогли выработать комплексный подход к решению иммиграционного вопроса. В-третьих, политикам из правоцентристской коалиции ОПР-СФД удалось выработать концептуальное обоснование своего подхода к решению иммиграционного вопроса, что обеспечило их превосходство в полемике, связанной с определением курса иммиграционной политики страны. В-четвертых, общественная поддержка взглядов «правых» политических сил была обусловлена особенностями восприятия иммиграционного вопроса французским обществом. В-пятых, первые шаги правоцентристского кабинета премьер-министра Ж. Ширака в сфере иммиграционной политики выявили несоответствие подходов «правых» политических сил нормам соблюдения прав человека и вызвали критику со стороны профсоюзов и правозащитных организаций. = The author of the article analyzes the impact of the immigration issue on the political struggle between the left and right parties of France. As a result, he came to the following conclusions. First, the immigration issue became a new factor in the political struggle between the left and right French parties in 1981—1988. Second, being in power at the beginning of the considered period the left parties failed to elaborate a complex approach towards the solution of the immigration question. Third, politicians of the centre right coalition involving the Rally for the Republic and the Union for French Democracy managed to develop conceptual justifi cation of their approach towards the solution of the immigration issue, which provided their superiority in the debates related to the identifi cation of the immigration policy direction. Fourth, public support of the views of the right political forces was determined by peculiarities of the perception of the immigration issue by the French society. Fifth, the fi rst steps of the centre right cabinet of Prime Minister Jacques Chirac in the sphere of immigration policy revealed incompliance of the approaches of the right political forces with the human right norms and provoked criticism on the side of trade unions and human rights organizations.

The article is devoted to ideological issues in the Turkish party system in the context of the electoral process. The authors analyze the internal content and principles of ideological platforms of the leading parties in Turkey. The formal analysis of party programs allowed to determine the value of the ideology for the functioning of the parties. Besides, analysis of the results of opinion polls conducted by the Turkish public opinion research centers revealed the functionality of ideology in the context of election campaigns. The object of the study was the ideologies of 4 major political parties of Turkey, which entered National Parliament after elections in November 2015. These are conservative Justice and Development Party, the center-left Republican People's Party, the National Movement Party, the Democratic Party of peoples. Analysis of party programs and other official documents showed that all four parties clearly define their ideological identity and political position. However, despite the clarity of such ideological identification, analysis of the last two election campaigns in Turkey revealed a trend among major parties to refuse from the traditional ideological rhetoric and to practice populist methods of voters attracting. The paper discloses the contents of the political stratification of Turkish society, depending on the ideological preferences of representatives of various social groups. Causative factors of ideological discourse rise are considered in the context of inter-party competition of leading political forces of the Turkish Republic. A comparative analysis shows that the Republican People's Party and the Nationalist Movement Party are both doctrinal with distinct ideological postulates that have a national base. In contrast, the Justice and Development Party, as well as the People's Democratic Party are more pragmatic and charismatic at the same time. (author's abstract)

Introduction. The article is devoted to the origins, grounds and possible consequences of the political crisis in modern Italy. The paper shows that the Italian crisis has acquired a scale that challenges the interests of political establishment of the country and the very principles of the EU existence.

Methods and materials. The authors seek a combination of General theoretical and special methods, focusing on the historical, socio-cultural and political analysis. They are based on the analysis of periodicals, as well as using articles and materials of researchers on the problems of political development in Italy.

Analysis. The source of the crisis is the protest of citizens against the state authority and strategies of the political class of Italy, which is accompanied by the requirement of institutional reforms and socio-economic policy for benefit of the majority, in order to establish new political rules and form a truly legitimate political mechanism. These demands came from various social groups and led to a number of political and legal transformations, culminating in the "populist government", which came to power as a result of the parliamentary elections of 2018. The "Populist government" intended to revise many previous approaches in domestic and foreign policy. It is the Alliance of the right-wing and left-wing populists that was entrusted by Italian society with necessary reforms.

Results. According to the authors, it is political populism as a possible platform for social and political transformations, along with a number of possible risks, that contains a positive potential associated with the possibility of overcoming ideological divisions, corporate selfishness of Italian politicians and parties, as well as alienation in the relations of the power and society. This approach to resolving issues by the "populist government" will contribute to the gradual resolution of the problems that have caused the long-term political crisis in Italy.