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Few notions are as universal as the idea of a left-right divide in politics. Despite its death being frequently foretold, the left-right metaphor remains the most common lens through which to interpret political life locally, nationally and globally. Left and Right in Global Politics argues that the left-right divide connects these different levels into a world political debate. Interpreting the left-right dichotomy as an enduring debate about equality, Noël and Thérien analyse opinion polls and social discourses to demonstrate how this debate shapes both individual and collective views of public affairs. Setting their findings in a historical perspective, they then show that for more than two centuries the conflict between progressives and conservatives has structured both domestic and international politics. They conclude by discussing the implications of their argument for the analysis of world politics, and contend that the left-right opposition is here to stay

"Taking stock of contemporary social, cultural, and political currents, Timothy Brennan explores key turning points in the recent history of American intellectual life. He contends that a certain social-democratic vision of politics has been banished from public discussion, leading to an unlikely convergence of the political right and the academic left and a deadening of critical opposition. Brennan challenges the conventional view that affiliations based on political belief, claims upon the state, or the public interest have been rendered obsolete by the march of events in the years before and after Reagan. Instead, he lays out a new path for a future infused with a sense of intellectual and political possibility." "In highlighting the shift in America's intellectual culture, Brennan makes the case for seeing belief as an identity. As much as race or ethnicity, political belief, Brennan argues, is itself an identity - one that remains unrecognized and without legal protections while possessing its own distinctive culture. Brennan also champions the idea of cosmopolitanism and critiques those theorists who relegate the left to the status of postcolonial "other."" "Wars of Position documents how alternative views were chased from the public stage by strategic acts of censorship, including within supposedly dissident wings of the humanities. He explores how the humanities entered the cultural and political mainstream and settled into an awkward secular religion of the "middle way." Throughout the work, Brennan draws on and critiques the ideas and influence of Heidegger, Lyotard, Kristeva, and other influential theorists." --Book Jacket

Soldiers and Students (1975) adopts an original approach to the confrontation of deprived and possessing parties under conditions of scarcity. With reference to the course of conflict, the actions of the competing parties are shown to be interlinked, yet the difference between their strategies are clearly defined. Right-wing radicalism is treated through a study of military intervention in domestic politics; left-wing radicalism through analysis of student radicalism. The case studies are centred on recent Dutch history, but the theoretical perspective underlying the argument is essentially comparative. Thus Dutch military responses to the decolonisation of Indonesia serve to illustrate the strategies of a military apparatus on the brink of politicisation, radicalism among Dutch students in the sixties offers the empirical reference for the analysis of left-wing radicalism.

Two Italian writers, Gaetano Mosca and Antonio Gramsci, have been very influential in twentieth-century political thought, the first cast as a thoroughgoing conservative, the second as the model of a humanistic Marxist. The author of this provocative book, the first systematic study of the connection between the two men, maintains that they are closer to each other than is commonly supposed-that they in fact belong to the same political tradition of democratic elitism. Maurice A. Finocchiaro argues that Gramsci's political theory is a constructive critique of Mosca's and that the key common element is the attempt to combine democracy and elitism in a theoretical system that defines them not as opposite but as compatible and interdependent. Finocchiaro finds that a critical examination of the major works of the two men demonstrates their shared belief in the viability of democratic elitism and undermines the importance of the distinction between right and left.

Frontmatter -- CONTENTS -- List of Illustrations -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- 1. The New Age -- 2. Backgrounds -- 3. The Making of an Activist -- 4. Traditionalists, Anarchists, and Radicals -- 5. The Counterculture: Left Meets Right -- 6. The Woman Question -- 7. Paradise Lost -- 8. Picking up the Pieces: The 1970s -- 9. Adult Lives -- Conclusion -- Appendix A: Archives and Primary Sources -- Appendix B: Names and Dates of Interviews -- Appendix C: The Sharon Statement -- Notes -- Index

THE AUTHOR ASSESSES THE CONTRIBUTION MADE TO POLITICAL SCIENCE SCHOLARSHIP BY "LEFT-RIGHT POLITICAL SCALES: SOME EXPERT JUDGMENTS," WRITTEN BY FRANCIS CASTLES AND PETER MAIR. IN THEIR ESSAY, CASTLES AND MAIR PROVIDED THE EMPIRICAL FOUNDATION FOR CROSS-NATIONAL LEFT-RIGHT POLITICAL SCALES.

Introduction : Rich in the first place -- Got any ID? : The Hobbyist Left and ethnic identity politics -- 'Those fucking mugs' : Immigration and the identity Left -- The 'P' word : The Left and patriotism in modern Britain -- The anti-imperialism of fools : Israel, Palestine and identity leftism -- Is this what a feminist looks like? : Women's activism and left-wing hobbyism -- TERF wars : Gender identity, hobbyists and the feud dividing feminists -- The New Labour aristocracy : Cultural elitism and the identity Left -- Conclusion.

Thoroughly revised and updated, this third edition provides a comprehensive account of the major political ideologies of the past two centuries. Provides an expanded and thoroughly updated account of the major political ideologies of the past two centuries, including liberalism, conservatism, socialism, anarchism, fascism, feminism, environmentalism, and nationalismFeatures a brand new chapter on fundamentalism, along with greater emphasis on the global impact of ideologies in generalExamines the complex overlap and interplay of ideas that exist both within and between ideologiesIncorporates t

I examine why contemporary social scientists on the political left are relatively pessimistic about the public arena and its trajectory. To develop an answer, I explore subsidiary questions: What is the evidence of social scientists' left pessimism? Why is left pessimism not the only plausible stance? Why is left pessimism problematic, and surprising? Why does it nonetheless occur? How can social scientists counter left pessimism?My evidence comes mainly from research on American racial and ethnic politics, and on the societal use of genomic science. I explain left pessimism as a result largely of the trajectory of social science research since the 1960s, and of the loss of faith in revolutionary inspiration after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. I call on social scientists to reinvigorate optimistic visions, perhaps especially in a political era fraught with dangers to liberal democracy.

Schizocracy in America -- Beyond left and right -- For common things : the communitarian -- Change is good : the progressive -- Question authority : the radical -- Framework for utopia : the individualist -- Breaking the clock : the paleolibertarian -- For the permanent things : the paleoconservative -- God and country : the theoconservative -- Mugged by reality : the neoconservative -- Post-modern populism