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In recent years, the right has become a powerful force in many parts of the world. This review focuses primarily on the United States, with comparisons to rightist movements elsewhere. Our focus is movements, not political parties or intellectual trends. The article begins with terms and definitions and distinguishes conservative from right-wing movements. We then review changing theoretical orientations and the major findings on ideologies and characteristics of these movements. We also survey contextual factors that influence rightist mobilization and strategies used by rightist movements. We pay particular attention to New Right and New Christian Right conservative movements and to right-wing skinhead and white supremacist movements. A final section examines methodological and ethical concerns that arise in studies of the right. The conclusion recommends directions for future research.

Examines moral, ethical, social, political, and economic aspects of cloning of human beings, focusing on the United Nations Expert Group on Human Rights and Biotechnology, and other international human rights standards; 4 articles. Summaries in French and Spanish. Contents: Human rights assumptions of restrictive and permissive approaches to human reproductive cloning, by Stephen P. Marks; Human dignity and human reproductive cloning, by Steven Malby; Human cloning and human rights: a commentary, by Carmel Shalev; Expert group on human rights and biotechnology convened by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights: conclusions on human reproductive cloning, by Stephen P. Marks.

IN THIS STUDY, THE AUTHOR TRIES TO RESOLVE THE HUMAN RIGHTS CONTROVERSY BY SOLVING THE PROBLEMS IDENTIFIED WITH THE CINGRANELLI AND PASQUARELLO STUDY. THE ARTICLE FOCUSES ON AID ALLOCATION TO WESTERN HEMISPHERE COUNTRIES AND TO A SAMPLE OF COUNTRIES FROM AROUND THE WORLD, UNDER BOTH THE CARTER AND THE REAGAN PRESIDENCIES. THE RESULTS INDICATE THAT HUMAN RIGHTS CONSIDERATIONS WERE IMPORTANT IN DETERMINING THE OUTCOMES OF U.S. BILATERAL ECONOMIC AID DECISIONS UNDER BOTH ADMINISTRATIONS AS THEY PERTAIN TO THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE REGION AND TO THE WORLD'S NATIONS IN GENERAL.

It is important for the worldwide application of child rights to foster deeper understanding about them and Islam. UNICEF has entered into dialogue with Islamic scholars by highlighting congruencies between Islam and international standards. This dialogue started before the adoption of the CRC in 1989. In 1985 a study was undertaken by Al Azhar University in Cairo on child care in Islam. In 2005 a joint report by the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC), the Islamic Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (ISESCO) and UNICEF underlined common goals in realising children's rights. The focus of these studies was mainly on social rights, leaving aside the more controversial areas of civil and political rights. Adapted from the source document.

THE CONTEXT, IDEOLOGY AND PERSONALITY OF 4 CHINESE COMMUNIST LEFTISTS (MAO TSE-TUNG, CHIANG CH'ING, CHANG CH'UNG-SH'IAO AND YAO WEN-YUAN) ARE ANALYZED IN DEPTH. CONTEXTUAL FACTORS ARE: MAO'S ALIENATION FROM THE COMMUNIST PARTY, ANXIETY ABOUT THE POST-MAO ERA AND DISAFFECTION OF THE PUBLIC. THE IDEOLOGY WARNS OF "BOURGEOIS RESTORATION." ANALYSES OF EACH SHOW PERSONAL NEED AND SOCIAL "MOLDING."

International audience ; Space and spatiality have recently been at the core of debates concerning the political possibilities of the city. The arguments advanced in this paper might be seen as an attempt to contribute to these debates through a reflection on the spatiality of (in) justice, politics, and the right to the city. The case of French urban policy, with its focus on distressed urban areas, and the 'suburban problem' in France are used as examples to make arguments more concrete.

International audience ; Space and spatiality have recently been at the core of debates concerning the political possibilities of the city. The arguments advanced in this paper might be seen as an attempt to contribute to these debates through a reflection on the spatiality of (in) justice, politics, and the right to the city. The case of French urban policy, with its focus on distressed urban areas, and the 'suburban problem' in France are used as examples to make arguments more concrete.

International audience ; Space and spatiality have recently been at the core of debates concerning the political possibilities of the city. The arguments advanced in this paper might be seen as an attempt to contribute to these debates through a reflection on the spatiality of (in) justice, politics, and the right to the city. The case of French urban policy, with its focus on distressed urban areas, and the 'suburban problem' in France are used as examples to make arguments more concrete.

This article analyses the inner workings of the Argentinian Frente Grande party at the height of its political and electoral development. It is based on the assumption that parties are not singular actors, but diverse organizations with complex internal operations. From that perspective, in order to identify the causes of both its rapid growth and current crisis, the article examines the distribution of power, styles of leadership and formal and informal rules of the Frente Grande. Starting from conceptual frameworks recently suggested in the literature, this article explains the Frente's institutionalization attempts and the resilience of its leadership. The article also considers the impact of the party's original organizational characteristics on its subsequent development.

Discusses the 1962 Port Huron (MI) Statement of the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) to argue that its common misinterpretation as the origin of the New Left has led to misconceptions. The 1960s social movements included SDS, a student Left that pre-dated SDS, & the older, pacifist Left that dominated most peace coalitions. It is contended that scholars have overestimated the split with the Old Left indicated in the Port Huron Statement, underestimated the impact of pacifism on the New Left, & wrongly dismissed the influence of those who joined SDS after 1965. The nature of the Old Left is examined, along with the social context at the time of the New Left's emergence & political ideas that separated the two. It is contended that the New Left began in the 1950s as a protest against the Cold War, shifted to issues of power & hopes of merging the peace & civil rights movements, but retreated to a modified liberalism after 1968. J. Lindroth