Suchergebnisse

America's political response to the Great Recession was surprising to pundits but mostly consistent with patterns familiar to political scientists. Ordinary citizens assessed politicians and policies primarily on the basis of visible evidence of success or failure. Thus, in 2008, the president's party was punished at the polls for the dismal state of the election-year economy. The successful challenger, Barack Obama, pushed policy significantly to the Left, as Democratic presidents typically do, provoking a predictable "thermostatic" shift to the Right in the public's policy mood. In 2010, slow economic recovery and public qualms about ideological overreach exacerbated the losses normally suffered by a president's party in midterm elections. In 2012, Obama was reelected—as incumbents almost always are when their party has held the White House for just four years—thanks in part to a modest but timely upturn in the income growth rate.

This article examines the complex nature of post-war Italian political thought, stressing the importance of Italy's unusual institutional and historical political arrangements, but also the vibrancy of its political ideologies in this period. In the past it has often been argued that the dysfunctional nature of post-war Italian democracy with its rapidly changing governments, and widespread corruption-which nonetheless coexisted with the one party, the Christian Democrats, being constantly in power-led to the atrophying of political theory in general, and political ideologies in particular. But this picture is strongly disputed here-on the contrary it is argued that Christian Democratic, Left and liberal political ideologies were all complex and interesting. Thus if Christian democracy should ultimately be seen as an 'ideology of transition' which existed to help Catholicism adapt to the parameters of modern mass democracy, and which lacked a thinker of the calibre of Jacques Maritain, it nevertheless contained within it important debates on the role of the state, between such interesting thinkers as Giuseppe Dossetti and Alcide De Gasperi. And if anything, political thinking on the Left in the post-war period was even more complex, with visceral debates within the (large) Communist Party (PCI) over whether to work within the law-between such thinkers as Palmiro Togliatti and the Il Manifesto group. Equally on the more revolutionary Left, there were important debates about how quickly capitalism could be made to collapse through revolutionary action between thinkers such as Raniero Panzieri and his more radical disciples, Mario Tronti and Antonio Negri, while later, due to the general failure of these revolutionary efforts, post-modern thinkers such as Gianni Vattimo sought to abandon grand metaphysical narratives, whilst retaining a commitment to Left of centre political commitments. Finally, although not part of a widespread mass movement, the liberal thought of Norberto Bobbio was also highly interesting and sophisticated-borrowing from Hobbes and Kelsen, he sought to advocate a modest form of liberal democracy which allowed for civilised forms of conflict, and the protection of minorities, and which rejected the contention of Marxists that civil rights could not be distinguished from economic ones. Overall, if normative aspirations in post-war Italian politics were often frustrated in practice, this was certainly not due to any lack of theoretical vibrancy. [Copyright Elsevier Ltd.]

Bu tez çalışmasında çok partili hayata geçişten günümüze Türk seçmeninin parti tercihlerini etkileyen sosyal ve kültürel etkenler üzerinde durulmuştur. Seçmenin genel seçimlerde sergilediği tutum ve oy verirken hangi faktörlerden etkilendiği, bir dizi akademik ve bilimsel araştırmadan yararlanılarak değerlendirilmiştir. Seçmenin tercihlerinde en az sosyal faktörler kadar kültürel faktörlerin de etkili olduğu varsayımıyla siyasi kültür olgusu seçmen tercihleriyle ilişkilendirilmeye çalışılmış ve Türk siyasi kültürünün baskın yönlerine yer verilmiştir. Türk seçmeninin bazı istisnalar dışında tercihinin Demokrat Parti ve onun devamı niteliğinde kabul edebileceğimiz "sağ" partilerden yana olduğundan hareketle, bu tutumun nedenlerine değinilmiştir. "Sol" partilerin de kronikleşen seçim başarısızlıklarının nedenleri ortaya çıkarılmaya çalışılmış ve "sol" un Türkiye'deki mevcut durumunun nedenleriyle ilgili olarak dışsal etkenlerden çok, sol hareketin kendi içindeki eksikliklere, yanlışlıklara değinilmiş ve yorumlar yapılmıştır. ; In this study I focus on the social and cultural effects on the political party preferences of the Turkish electorate from the transition to the multiparty era until today. I review the academic researches regarding the factors that affect the attitudes and the voting behavior of the electorate during the general elections. In order to associate the political culture phenomenon with the preferences of the electorate, I assert the dominant features of the Turkish political culture. I investigate the reasons why for the Turkish electorate attitudes are in favor of the right wing parties that share the same political roots with the Democrat Party. Thereby, I introduce the reasons of the chronical failure of the left wing parties by investigating the flaws in the left wing movement in Turkey.

"This book develops principles of adjudication to facilitate accountability for violations of Economic and Social Rights. Economic and Social Rights engage with areas relating to social justice and their violation tends to impact on the most vulnerable members of society. Taking the UK as a case study, the book draws on international experience and comparative practice, including progressive reform at the devolved sub-state level, that demonstrate the potential reach of Economic and Social Rights when the rights are given legal standing in domestic settings according to their status in international law. The work looks at different models of incorporation of rights into domestic law and sets out existing justiciability mechanisms for their enforcement as well as future models open to development. In so doing the book develops principles of adjudication drawn from deliberative democracy theory that help address some of the critiques of social rights adjudication"--

CONCEPTIONS OF RIGHT AND WRONG ARE AN INTEGRAL ASPECT OF POLITICS AND CULTURE. REACTIONS TO PUBLIC OR PRIVATE MISCONDUCT CAN ILLUMINATE BASIC POLITICAL VALUES AND COMMITMENTS. THIS ARTICLE EXPLORES CONCEPTIONS OF RIGHT AND WRONG IN GREAT BRITAIN AND COMPARES ITS FINDINGS WITH THOSE OF AN EARLIER STUDY OF AMERICAN CONCEPTIONS OF WRONGDOING. IT CONCLUDES THAT POLITICAL CULTURE IS LESS A FIXED ATTRIBUTE OF A SOCIETY THAN A GUIDE TO UNDERSTANDING ITS PARTICULAR STYLE OF JUDGEMENT, ADAPTION, AND CHANGE.

The constant presence of the extreme left in media space and its active political role in the life of modern France contribute to the development and presentation of its own foreign policy project to voters. One of its brightest representatives is the "La France insoumise" movement and its leader J.-L. Mélenchon, author of several books, mastermind of the Internet platform and personal blog, and presidential candidate. The program of "La France insoumise" is mainly addressed to domestic political problems. However, it contains analyses and proposals about the most relevant aspects of foreign policy, combined under the conditional name "altermondialist project." In the foreign policy program of "La France insoumise," three important aspects can be distinguished, which this article explores: attitudes to the functioning and basic principles of the European Union, geopolitics, and the place of France in the modern world, "political Francophonie." Attention to these problems stems from the specifics of left-wing political culture, the traditional attention of the left to the problems of European integration, colonialism, democracy, and human rights. At the same time, in Mélenchon's program we see references from the Gaullist heritage and foreign policy experience of the Fifth Republic. Mélenchon's "altermondialism" does not imply the renunciation of national sovereignty or the nation-state, just as it recognizes the inevitability of globalization. In the spirit of the extreme left, he criticizes its neoliberal version, offering his own version of world reconstruction. The published policy documents and brochures of "La France insoumise," as well as interviews and reflections of its leader, allow us to build a complete picture of an alternative foreign policy program of the extreme left, which was originally presented at the presidential elections in 2012 and 2017, and then, in an updated version, was prepared for the upcoming presidential elections in 2022.