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The article deals with three terrorist attacks of right-wing extremists: in Norway (2011), New Zealand (2019) and Germany (2019). First, the modus operandi of perpetrators was shown and the course of each attack was analyzed. It was indicated what tactics the attackers used and why it was or was not effective. Secondly, the ideological background and motivations of the perpetrators were shown. It was possible to analyze the manifestos that the perpetrators left, and thus their way of thinking, their ideologies, and the purposes of organizing the attacks. Thirdly, issues related to the publicizing of the attacks by the perpetrators were shown. The goal of the article is to show that radical ideology of right-wing extremists (expressed in manifestos) leads to tragedies. In analyzed cases radical appointment of the perpetrators caused three deadly attacks. The article shows that the radical actions are preceded by radical speech, expressions, manifestos. The second goal is to pay attention to hate speech (also expressed in manifestos), which is just as dangerous as bullets or improvised explosive devices. The third goal is to show how the attackers used acts of terror to spread the ideologies to which they were devoted.

This article investigates the linguistic-discursive construction of others in one international right-wing extremist online discussion forum. By means of a positioning analysis and an appraisal analysis, the article shows how reference to absent third parties is used to establish others as outgroups in forum posts aimed at an international audience. The analysis reveals an othering practice that links the online extremist discourse world with international and local as well as with political, social, and personal concerns, providing various opportunities for user affiliation. The results of this investigation contribute to understanding of the linguistic-discursive construction of online hate speech in multicultural virtual (rhetorical) communities; the study also highlights how social media and the use of English as a lingua franca combine to connect geographically and linguistically separate individuals and facilitate the globalization of extremist discourse through the construction of a shared discourse world online

This policy brief traces how Western right-wing extremists have exploited the power of the internet from early dial-up bulletin board systems to contemporary social media and messaging apps. It demonstrates how the extreme right has been quick to adopt a variety of emerging online tools, not only to connect with the like-minded, but to radicalise some audiences while intimidating others, and ultimately to recruit new members, some of whom have engaged in hate crimes and/or terrorism. Highlighted throughout is the fast pace of change of both the internet and its associated platforms and technologies, on the one hand, and the extreme right, on the other, as well as how these have interacted and evolved over time. Underlined too is the persistence, despite these changes, of right-wing extremists' online presence, which poses challenges for effectively responding to this activity moving forward. ; Peer reviewed ; Final article published ; right-wing extremism ; online tools ; history ; contemporary trends ; online forums ; social media ; messaging applications ; Web 2.0 ; policy challenges

The main approaches of the extreme-right party definitions in the foreign and Ukrainian political science are analyzed. ; Аналізуються основні підходи в термінології визначення правоекстремістських партій у за- рубіжній та вітчизняній політичній науці, в якій відсутній єдиний підхід у традиції їх дослідження.

An analysis of the general election, which took place in Slovakia on Saturday 5th March 2016. Its results were strongly influence by the fear-mongering of the incumbent PM Robert Fico, who assumed a fiercely anti-refugee and islamophobic stance. As a result, his electoral support collapsed and a large number of votes went to extreme right wing parties.

Głównym tematem artykułu jest analiza prawicowo-ekstremistycznych nastrojów w społeczeństwie niemieckim, których rzecznikiem stają się coraz częściej przedstawiciele klasy średniej. Nieudany projekt wielokulturowości niemieckiej, długotrwały kryzys gospodarczy w Europie, zjawisko terroryzmu islamskiego i fala uchodźców stworzyły atmosferę ksenofobizmu i rasizmu. W efekcie tworzone są partie oraz nieformalne ugrupowania, które oczekują od państwa zmian w polityce azylowej i artykułują potrzebę utrwalania tożsamości narodowej. Tworzące się ad hoc ruchy społeczne odnoszą się krytycznie do niemieckiego systemu politycznego gromadząc określoną część elektoratu. Jeden z ruchów obywatelskich pod nazwą Pegida demonstruje nie tylko przeciwko radykałom muzułmańskim, a islamowi w ogóle. Organizatorzy i zwolennicy Pegidy dystansują się publicznie od ekstremistów prawicowych, ale wykorzystują lęki przed islamskim terrorem i szerzą nastroje niechęci wobec uchodźców i obcych. Pytanie badawcze dotyczy perspektyw utrwalania demokratycznych standardów w pozjednoczeniowym społeczeństwie niemieckim przez klasę średnią, która może stać się najważniejszym elementem wpływającym na opinię publiczną. Renesans ideologii faszystowskiej wymusił konieczność wykreowania nowego modelu komunikowania społecznego pomiędzy klasami. Percepcja tej ideologii jest przedmiotem badawczym sfery aksjologicznej. ; The main topic of this paper is the analysis of right-wing extremist sentiments in German society. Representatives of the middle-class are mostly identified with these political tendencies. The unsuccessful multicultural project in the Federal Republic of Germany, long-lasting economic crisis in Europe, Islamic terrorism and the wave of immigrants have led to the spread of xenophobia and racism. Thus, many new parties and various informal groups are being formed that expect the government to change the asylum policy of the state and which express their need to consolidate national identity. These social groups demonstrate a critical attitude to the German political system, attracting a certain portion of the protesting electorate. One of the citizens' movements, named Pegida, is demonstrating against not only radical Muslims but Islam as a whole. The organizers and supporters of Pegida publicly distance themselves from right-wing extremists, but use the fears of Islamic terror to spread general negative sentiments towards refugees and foreigners. The research question refers to the prospects of instilling democratic standards in the middle class of German society after the post-unification period. This social class may be the most important factor influencing public opinion. The renaissance of fascist ideology has forced the creation of a new model of communication between social classes. The perception of right-wing ideology is the object of research in the axiological sphere.

Głównym tematem artykułu jest analiza prawicowo-ekstremistycznych nastrojów w społeczeństwie niemieckim, których rzecznikiem stają się coraz częściej przedstawiciele klasy średniej. Nieudany projekt wielokulturowości niemieckiej, długotrwały kryzys gospodarczy w Europie, zjawisko terroryzmu islamskiego i fala uchodźców stworzyły atmosferę ksenofobizmu i rasizmu. W efekcie tworzone są partie oraz nieformalne ugrupowania, które oczekują od państwa zmian w polityce azylowej i artykułują potrzebę utrwalania tożsamości narodowej. Tworzące się ad hoc ruchy społeczne odnoszą się krytycznie do niemieckiego systemu politycznego gromadząc określoną część elektoratu. Jeden z ruchów obywatelskich pod nazwą Pegida demonstruje nie tylko przeciwko radykałom muzułmańskim, a islamowi w ogóle. Organizatorzy i zwolennicy Pegidy dystansują się publicznie od ekstremistów prawicowych, ale wykorzystują lęki przed islamskim terrorem i szerzą nastroje niechęci wobec uchodźców i obcych. Pytanie badawcze dotyczy perspektyw utrwalania demokratycznych standardów w pozjednoczeniowym społeczeństwie niemieckim przez klasę średnią, która może stać się najważniejszym elementem wpływającym na opinię publiczną. Renesans ideologii faszystowskiej wymusił konieczność wykreowania nowego modelu komunikowania społecznego pomiędzy klasami. Percepcja tej ideologii jest przedmiotem badawczym sfery aksjologicznej. ; The main topic of this paper is the analysis of right-wing extremist sentiments in German society. Representatives of the middle-class are mostly identified with these political tendencies. The unsuccessful multicultural project in the Federal Republic of Germany, long-lasting economic crisis in Europe, Islamic terrorism and the wave of immigrants have led to the spread of xenophobia and racism. Thus, many new parties and various informal groups are being formed that expect the government to change the asylum policy of the state and which express their need to consolidate national identity. These social groups demonstrate a critical attitude to the German political system, attracting a certain portion of the protesting electorate. One of the citizens' movements, named Pegida, is demonstrating against not only radical Muslims but Islam as a whole. The organizers and supporters of Pegida publicly distance themselves from right-wing extremists, but use the fears of Islamic terror to spread general negative sentiments towards refugees and foreigners. The research question refers to the prospects of instilling democratic standards in the middle class of German society after the post-unification period. This social class may be the most important factor influencing public opinion. The renaissance of fascist ideology has forced the creation of a new model of communication between social classes. The perception of right-wing ideology is the object of research in the axiological sphere.

In recent years, an emerging body of work, centred on specific communicative forms used in facilitating collective and connective action, have contributed to greater understanding of how digital communication relates to social mobilisation. Plenty of these studies highlight the progressive potentiality of digital communication. However, undemocratic actors also utilise the rapid advancement in digital technology. This article explores the online video activism of extreme right-wing groups in Sweden. It analyses more than 200 clips on YouTube, produced by five right-wing extremist organisations. The study shows that the extreme right deploy video activism as a strategy of visibility to mobilise and strengthen activists. Moreover, the groups attempt to alter the perception of (historically-rooted) socio-political identities of the extreme right. Furthermore, YouTube becomes a political arena in which action repertoires and street politics are adapted to the specific characteristics of online video activism. Finally, video activism could be understood as an aestheticisation of politics.

Aufgrund steigender Zahlen rechtsextremer Jugendlicher wird es in der sozialarbeiterischen Praxis zunehmend notwendig, Handlungs- und Umgangsweisen zu entwickeln, um diesen Haltungen wirkungsvoll begegnen zu können. Konzepte der Sozialarbeit mit rechtsextrem orientierten Jugendlichen ("akzeptierende" und "konfrontierende" Ansätze) fokussieren oft jeweils einseitig spezifische Bereiche des Problems und bleiben damit unzureichend. Die komplexen Wirkungszusammenhänge rechtsextremer Orientierungen, die sich sowohl aus biographischen Prozessen und der Familienvergangenheit als auch aus sozialen Rahmenbedingungen ergeben, werden weder erkannt, noch kann ihnen wirkungsvoll begegnet werden. In meinem Beitrag möchte ich anhand von Fallbeispielen aus meiner Untersuchung zur Gruppendynamik in rechten Jugendcliquen und der Zuwendung insbesondere von Mädchen und jungen Frauen zu diesem Spektrum (KÖTTIG 2004) die Begrenztheit der beiden häufig in der Sozialarbeit eingesetzten Konzepte diskutieren und aufzeigen, dass eine "ganzheitliche" – d.h. biographische – Perspektive zu tief greifenden Einsichten in rechtsextrem orientierte Haltungen und Aktivitäten führt. Auf der Basis des biographischen Fallverstehens können einerseits gezielte Ansatzpunkte für sozialarbeiterische Interventionen entwickelt und andererseits Selbstverstehensprozesse von weiblichen, aber auch männlichen Jugendlichen in Gang gesetzt werden. Solche Arten von Hilfestellungen unterstützen darin, politische Haltungen zu reflektieren, so dass ein Verbleiben in der rechten Szene unwichtig werden kann. Eine an der Biographie orientierte Herangehensweise ermöglicht dabei den Transfer zwischen sozialwissenschaftlichen Forschungsfragestellungen und der Einzelfallhilfe in der Sozialarbeit. URN: urn:nbn:de:0114-fqs080124 ; Because of the growing number of right wing extremist youths in Germany, it has become increasingly necessary in social work to develop forms of professional practice, which deal with the orientations of these adolescents in an effective way. Current ...

This study analyzes the importance of parental socialization on the development of children's far right-wing preferences and attitudes towards immigration. Using longitudinal data from Germany, our intergenerational estimates suggest that the strongest and most important predictor for young people's right-wing extremism are parents' right-wing extremist attitudes. While intergenerational associations in attitudes towards immigration are equally high for sons and daughters, we find a positive intergenerational transmission of right-wing extremist party affinity for sons, but not for daughters. Compared to the intergenerational correlation of other party affinities, the high association between fathers' and sons' right-wing extremist attitudes is particularly striking.

This study analyzes the importance of parental socialization on the development of children's far right-wing preferences and attitudes towards immigration. Using longitudinal data from Germany, our intergenerational estimates suggest that the strongest and most important predictor for young people's right-wing extremism are parents' right-wing extremist attitudes. While intergenerational associations in attitudes towards immigration are equally high for sons and daughters, we find a positive intergenerational transmission of right-wing extremist party affinity for sons, but not for daughters. Compared to the intergenerational correlation of other party affinities, the high association between fathers' and sons' right-wing extremist attitudes is particularly striking.

"H.N.S.C. no. 104-45." ; Shipping list no.: 97-0227-P. ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Microform. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This paper investigates the consequences of immigration, crime and socio-economic depriviation for the performance of right-wing extremist and populist parties in the German city state of Hamburg between 1986 and 2005. The ecological determinants of voting for right-wing parties on the district level are compared to those for mainstream and other protest parties. Parallels and differences in spatial characteristics between right-wing extremist and populist parties' performance are identified. Our empirical results tend to confirm the general contextual sociological theory of right-wing radicalization by general social deprivation and immigration. Nevertheless they indicate that one has to be very cautious when interpreting the unemployment/crime - right-winger nexus. Moreover, crime does not seem to have a strong significant effect on right-wing populist parties' election successes despite its importance for their programmes and campaigns.

This article investigates whether the perceived threat of terrorism explains the support for right-wing Eurosceptic parties and Euroscepticism above and beyond other relevant variables, including perceived economic and immigration threats. We first examined the entire Eurobarometer samples of 2014 and 2015, and then conducted survey experiments in four European Union (EU) countries, that is, United Kingdom (N = 197), France (N = 164), Italy (N = 312), and Romania (N = 144). Our findings suggest that the perceived threat of terrorism has a small effect on the negative attitudes toward the EU above and beyond the effect of immigration and economic threats and other basic control variables. The relationship between these variables varies across countries and it is less linear than we might expect.

This briefing note explores the potential threat posed by the Yellow Vest Canada movement (YVC) being arguably infiltrated and co-opted by right-wing extremist (RWE) groups, and the possible escalation this may cause. The YVC has the potential to evolve from a peaceful movement into a national security threat. Yellow Vesters have become increasingly characterized by their death threats against Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, clashes with counter-protesters, and the movement's growing support from local RWE groups, seeking to utilize the YVC as a means for expanding their supporter base and normalizing extremist rhetoric. In the event of the adoption of YVC by RWE groups, there is the potential for extremist narratives to be pushed into the normative political sphere and turn the YVC movement into a Violent Transnational Social Movement (VTSM).