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Sverigedemokraterna är emot invandring och vill repatriera stora grupper. I partiets världsbild är det öppna, demokratiska samhället ett hot mot nationen och gemenskapen. Kravet på homogenitet överensstämmer med föreställningen om den illiberala demokratin, och grundas i en intolerant nationalism och ett motstånd mot främmande kulturer. I Den farliga mångfalden om Sverigedemokraternas världsbild analyserar Håkan Holmberg den samhälls- och människosyn partiet står för. Det blir tydligt att det är viktigare än någonsin att försvara mänskliga fri- och rättigheter, fria medier, fri forskning och oberoende rättsskipning. Omistliga delar i det demokratiska samhället. Med förord av Ingvar Carlsson och Bengt Westerberg samt efterord av författaren Elisabeth Åsbrink

During the past two decades right-wing populist parties have made substantial electoral gains in many West European countries. In Sweden the success of such parties has been limited compared to, eg, Denmark & Norway. In 1998 an electoral coalition of local populist parties, "Skanes Val," in southern Sweden gained 4.1% of the votes in the regional elections & six mandates in the regional assembly. However, the coalition was split already a year before the subsequent election in 2002. One of the factions started technical cooperation with the ring-wing extremist party "Sverigedemokraterna" during the period leading up to the 2002 election. The reasons for the split of the coalition & the reasons why one of the factions chose to cooperate with "Sverigedemokraterna" are analyzed using the two dimensions right-wing populism vs right-wing extremism & nationalism vs regionalism. While both factions were clearly populist, they strongly differ in nationalism/regionalism. This is one plausible reason why more Swedish nationalist factions chose to cooperate with the nationalist party "Sverigedemokraterna.". 2 Tables, 1 Figure, 47 References. Adapted from the source document.

[Preface]This special issue of the journal Arkiv is the third volume in a series, Det vita fältet ("The white field"), that gathers Swedish and international research on the extreme or far right. Since the last volume (2013) the Swedish government has brought the disputed concept of "extremism" to the fore and turned it into practicable politics, the Swedish anti-immigrant party Sverigedemokraterna (the Sweden Democrats) has made their mark on and partly paralysed the national parliament, and a surge of Internet hate has affected the public sphere. The issue contains a critical examination of the concept of "extremism" by sociologists Adrienne Sörbom and Magnus Wennerhag. Economic historian Markus Lundström and political scientist Tomas Lundström introduces "radical nationalism" as an alternative conceptualization of right-wing extremism in their exposition of the political project's development during the last hundred years in Sweden. Dutch political scientist Cas Mudde then discusses the impact of right-wing populism as it spreads through Europe. American scientist Benjamin Raphael Teitelbaum points out shortcomings in research on Sverigedemokraterna and their ties to other parts of the far right. Finally, Daniel Köhler and Tine Hutzel discuss the causes of political violence from a German perspective in two articles.Publication history: Published original.(Published 18 April 2016)Citation: Deland, Mats, Paul Fuehrer & Fredrik Hertzberg (2016) "Förord", in Det vita fältet III. Samtida forskning om högerextremism, special issue of Arkiv. Tidskrift för samhällsanalys, issue 5, pp. 7–13. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.13068/2000-6217.5.F ; Det här specialnumret av tidskriften Arkiv utgör den tredje volymen i en serie, Det vita fältet, som samlar svensk och internationell forskning om högerextremism. Sedan den förra volymen kom ut (2013) har regeringen aktualiserat det omstridda extremismbegreppet och gjort det till praktisk politik, Sverigedemokraterna har präglat och delvis lamslagit det parlamentariska arbetet och en våg av näthat har drabbat offentligheten. Numret innehåller en kritisk granskning av extremismbegreppet, av sociologerna Adrienne Sörbom och Magnus Wennerhag. Markus Lundström och Tomas Lundström introducerar i stället begreppet "radikal nationalism" för att begreppsliggöra det högerextrema politiska projektet i en exposé över dess utveckling under de senaste hundra åren i Sverige. Vidare diskuterar den nederländske forskaren Cas Mudde omfattningen av den våg av högerpopulism som spridits genom Europa. Bristerna inom forskningen om Sverigedemokraterna, och deras kontakter med andra delar av den högerextrema miljön, behandlas av den amerikanske musikvetaren Benjamin Raphael Teitelbaum. Från tyskt perspektiv diskuteras förutsättningarna för ideologiskt betingat våld av Daniel Köhler och Tine Hutzel i två artiklar.Publiceringshistorik: Originalpublicering.(Publicerad 18 april 2016)Förslag på källangivelse: Deland, Mats, Paul Fuehrer, Fredrik Hertzberg & Thomas Hvitfeldt (2016) "Förord", i Det vita fältet III. Samtida forskning om högerextremism, specialnummer av Arkiv. Tidskrift för samhällsanalys, nr 5, s. 7–13. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.13068/2000-6217.5.F

Is it really meaningful to talk about "good" science? We hesitate. We desire good (state) science stumbling near a positivist scientific view. We wish for political science theory -- and practice as much as possible to emulate natural science theory and methodology -- to be objective, to look for hard facts, causal relationships, universal laws, and by using the "right" methods to reach the "right" or "true" knowledge and thus make us the "real" knowledge producers. At the same time we believe it is important to keep the discussion on good science not only alive but also always ongoing. Perhaps this is an ongoing discussion about our research efforts and research ideals of what constitutes good science? It is our guiding principle when we formulated the following manifesto for the good of science. Adapted from the source document.

While the Right has, since the turn of the cent, seen the number of its voices & seats in the 2 chambers of the Swedish Parliament diminish regularly, 1928 seems to be exceptional for the success of this party in the elections for the second Chamber. The propaganda that was used may explain this revival. The study was made using 3 conservative journals which are considered to be representative. Pol'al & soc events of 1928 were presented as evidence of collusion between the socialists & the Swedish & Russian Communists. The question of royal succession, the opposition of the socialists to gov projects for labor legislation, the strikes in the pulp paper industry & in the mines (the latter supported by Russian unions), the issue made by the socialist of the mobilization of dockworkers, & the attitude of the socialists in matters of national defense-all of these were stressed in the 3 journals. All of them were used as evidence of the close regard for Sweden of the Soviet regime. During the election campaign, this attempt to magnify the issues took 3 forms: (1) the cooperation between socialists & Communists was violently denounced, (2) a social-democratic victory was considered to be a means for Communists to control the gov, & (3) the other bourgeois pol'al parties were also attacked because of their attitude in the preceding legislature. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.

It is pointed out that the current old fashioned method for distributing seats to political parties can he replaced by the Integer Method, which is a simple percentage calculation on the votes resulting in an improved proportionality. In comparison with traditional methods like the adjusted odd number method & the Integer Method, a number of disagreements are found with respect to the number of seats actually distributed due to a basic systematic mistake. In elections in large municipalities, the sub-division into constituencies gives rise to seat number disagreements with the effect that old-fashioned distributions overestimate right-wing numbers in relation to left-wing ones. Examples of actual distributions are listed. It is proposed that the traditional methods are reconsidered in favor of the Rounding Method & that each municipality be a single constituent all to the benefit of democracy. Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

Mellan 2002 och 2018 utvecklades Sverigedemokraterna från ett marginellt parti till en politisk kraft att räkna med: partiet fick cirka 18 procent av rösterna i riksdagsvalet 2018. Björn Fryklund och Sigrid Saveljeffs artikel är en analys av Socialdemokraternas och Moderaternas förhållningssätt till Sverigedemokraterna under denna period. En utgångspunkt är den amerikanska statsvetaren Bonnie Meguids PSO-teori (position, salience, ownership), vilken urskiljer tre huvudsakliga strategier som dominerande partier kan tillämpa mot nischpartier: avvisande, konvergerande och divergerande. Författarna visar att trovärdighet och demokratisk legitimitet har haft stor betydelse för vilka strategier S och M har valt. Det finns ett demokratiskt dilemma: väljarnas efterfrågan på partier med högerpopulistisk dagordning skapar motsvarande tillgång, och förr eller senare uppstår en konflikt med den liberala demokratins grundläggande värden. Det skapar ett strategiskt dilemma för de etablerade partierna: de tvingas balansera mellan att sträva mot sina egna mål och att hantera det demokratiska dilemmat. I Sverige har det demokratiska dilemmat blivit allt mer underordnat det strategiska dilemmat.Publiceringshistorik: Originalpublicering.(Publicerad 20 mars 2019)Förslag på källangivelse: Fryklund, Björn & Sigrid Saveljeff (2019) "Det politiska etablissemangets strategier gentemot högerpopulistiska partier", i Arkiv. Tidskrift för samhällsanalys, nr 10, s. 33–70. DOI: https://doi.org/10.13068/2000-6217.10.2 ; [The political establishment's strategies towards right-wing populist parties]Between 2002 and 2018, the Swedish right-wing populist party Sverigedemokraterna (the Sweden Democrats) developed from a marginal party to a political force to be reckoned with: the party received about 18 percent of the votes in the parliamentary election in 2018. Björn Fryklund and Sigrid Saveljeff's article is an analysis of the Swedish Social Democratic Party's and the liberal-conservative Moderate Party's approach to the Sweden Democrats during this period. One starting point is the American political scientist Bonnie Meguid's PSO (position, salience, ownership) theory, which distinguishes three main strategies that dominant parties can apply to niche parties: dismissive strategy, converging strategy or diverging strategy. The authors show that credibility and democratic legitimacy have been of great importance to which strategies the Social Democrats and the Moderates have chosen. There is a democratic dilemma: the voters' demand for parties with right-wing populist agenda creates the corresponding supply, and sooner or later a conflict arises with the fundamental values of liberal democracy. It creates a strategic dilemma for the established parties: they are forced to balance between striving for their own goals and dealing with the democratic dilemma. In Sweden, the democratic dilemma has become increasingly subordinate to the strategic dilemma.Publication history: Published original.(Published 20 March 2019)Citation: Fryklund, Björn & Sigrid Saveljeff (2019) "Det politiska etablissemangets strategier gentemot högerpopulistiska partier", in Arkiv. Tidskrift för samhällsanalys, issue 10, pp. 33–70. DOI: https://doi.org/10.13068/2000-6217.10.2

The constitutional development & the parliamentarianism in Sweden since 1970 can schematically be divided into two periods. The first period was 1970-1990. The second was initiated in 1990. 1970-1990 stands out as a 'classical' period to the new constitution with its unicameral system & exact proportional representation above a 4 per cent threshold. The formation of government was mainly based on blocs with sharp opposition, although in combination with negotiating parliamentarianism in the Riksdag. In their years of parliamentary majority, 1976-1982 & 1991-1994, the right-wing patties introduced considerable constitutional changes which the social democrats in opposing position accepted. From 1990 & onwards, it is above all the disrupting EU dimension which generates new constitutional changes concerning the politico-economic institutions. The European influence in legal matters is regulated, as are the EU-processes between government & parliament. Moreover, the electoral period is extended by one year & an element of personalized voting is introduced. Both the vote of censure & the instrument of consultative referendum attain a partially new constitutional character through the development of praxis. One can also identify a series of minority governments (right-wing 1991-1994 & social democratic since 1994) with prolonged partial coalitions grounded on different issues, & with all the parties of the Parliament involved in different areas. The EU dimension is central in this respect too. The constitutional changes, the new form of parliamentarianism & the EU processes strengthen the government. In this period too, questions can be raised regarding the role of the opposition in Swedish parliamentarianism. References. Adapted from the source document.

The strategic approaches towards radical right-wing populist parties (RRP-parties) are in special focus for the thesis. The aim of the thesis is reconstruction and analysis of the content of the established parties' strategic approaches towards parties that are seen as challenging central principles of liberal democracy, such as pluralism and tolerance, and who´s presence are creating a democratic dilemma. The aim has been operationalized within a Swedish context with focus on the strategic approaches used by the Social Democratic party and the Conservative party towards the Sweden Democrats, a Swedish RRP-party. The methodological framework is built upon a qualitative perspective with focus on interviews with representatives for the two established parties and the Sweden Democrats. The empirical material has been analyzed with the PSO-theory (Position, Salience and Owner-ship theory) as point of departure. The theory shows how strategic approaches used by the established parties are related to 1)the specific political issue raised by the RRP-party and 2) the degree of threat posed by the challenging RRP-party towards the established parties. The results generated from the thesis show that the content of the strategic approaches from the established parties towards the Sweden Democrats have changed since the election 2006, from a common dissmissive strategy to a strategic approach marked by tendencies of divergence (the Social Democratic party) and vauge tendencies of convergence (the Conservative party). The thesis also shows that the specific issue politicized by the Sweden Democrats, i.e. the immigration- and refugee issue, is central to the way the content of the strategic approaches used by the two established parties has been shaped. The thesis indicates that the presence of RRP-parties have caused a situation where the democratic dilemma have become subordinated to a strategic dilemma. The established parties need to relate to the goals they are striving towards through the strategic approach of the RRP-party (such as maximation of votes) at the same time as they relate to the strongly value-charged political issue monopolized by the RRP-party.

This is a study of why a group of farmers in Swedish Ostrobothnia chose to sympathise with the Lapua Movement in the summer of 1930. The Lapua Movement, a right-wing movement, emerged in Lapua in Southern Ostrobothnia in November 1929. Initially, the only expressed aim of the movement was to achieve total prohibition of communism in the country through efficient legislation. The movement wanted Parliament to establish laws that banned all organised communist activities and propaganda and that limited communists' possibilities to enter candidates in public elections. In addition, the movement wanted expanded authority for the nation's President to, when needed, put a stop to organisations that were considered a threat to national security. The Lapua Movement used extra-parliamentary means of agitation to carry through their demands. The movement's biggest manifesto against communism was to become the so called Peasants' March (Sw. Bondetåget) to Helsinki on July 7, 1930.

De senaste valen är det fler väljare som röstar på ett annat parti än det de gillar bäst, och ett skäl till detta kan vara strategi. I denna rapport analyseras förväntningar, olika strate­gi­ska skäl för röstning och väljarströmmar i riksdagsvalet 2018. Kristdemokraterna står fort­farande ut som ett parti som gynnas av strategisk röstning. En förklaring till detta års uppgång är ett lagom osäkert läge runt spärren i valkampanjens slutskede och fokus på regeringsskifte. Samtidigt var det få som "kastade bort" sina röster och vänster­blocket lyckades denna gång lyckades koordinera sina röster bättre än 2014. Analyserna tyder också på en förhållandevis stor grupp röstade strategiskt på Socialdemokraterna. I valet 2018 röstade 15 procent av väljarkåren på ett annat parti än de eller det parti de sade sig gilla bäst. ; Many Swedes vote for another party than the one he or she likes most, and one reason for this is strategic considerations. This report investigates voters' expectations, reasons to vote strategically and party support shifting in the 2018 Swedish general election. In line with the most recent elections, the small right-wing party Christian Democrats benefited from high shares of strategic votes. This behavior was associated with the party's clear focus on shifting government and having opinion poll levels just at the four percent electoral threshold. Relatively few "wasted" their votes on parties that did finally not reach the electoral threshold. In particular, left-wing voters managed to coordinate their votes better than in the previous election (2014). The analyses also indicate that a relatively large share voted strategically for the Social Democrats. In the 2018 Swedish General Election, 15 percent of the electorate voted for another party than the party or parties they said they preferred.

The so-called Swedish model of trust is characterised by strong public support for the idea of an individual-based and extensive welfare state, well-developed state individualism, high levels of social trust, widespread appreciation of the judiciary, openness, tolerance, and a free and independent press. Today, Swedish society faces several challenges. Will the Swedish model of trust be eroded or is it relatively resilient to stress? A Novus survey from 2019 found that a total of 74 percent of the Swedish population were very or quite worried about Islamic extremism, 66 percent very or quite worried about right-wing extremism and 46 percent very or quite worried about left-wing extremism. Other surveys show that the public is also concerned about the deterioration of the welfare state, social gaps, the increased number of refugees to Sweden and xenophobia. Moreover, the Novus survey shows that 65 percent believe that violence-promoting extremism will increase in Sweden in the coming ten-year period. 22 percent indicate that they have become suspicious of people they have encountered in everyday situations and 15 percent have avoided large crowds, e.g. shopping malls, pedestrian areas and subways. When asked which measures are good for increasing security in society, common answers were to reduce social exclusion, increase camera surveillance in public places and provide more information on democratic principles and values. These answers indicate that Swedish public opinion has a relatively balanced view of public measures against violent extremism, which is consistent with the Swedish model of trust. In general, the public does not propose the implementation of overly excessive measures against violent extremism. However, given continued public concern over the development of violent extremism, the long term stability of the Swedish model of trust remains in question.