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This timely book investigates the fascinating landscape of media-driven politics through the prisms of 'public opinion', political campaigning, and audiences.From Indigenous voting rights and climate change to talkback radio and right-wing populism, Public Opinion, Campaign Politics & Media Audiences showcases new research in political science, history and media studies. Contributors scrutinise the relationship between polls, party policy and voting behaviour, and evaluate the roles of oratory and the media in electioneering and political communication across Australia, Britain and the United States.The eight chapters are based on papers delivered at a symposium to honour Murray Goot FASSA, Emeritus Professor of Politics and International Relations, on his retirement from Macquarie University

The author analyses the reasons behind the electoral success of European right-wing populist parties. Using the Austrian Freedom Party under Jörg Haider as a case study and with a richness of primary material, he argues that their success is only partly caused by «racism». It is also, and more prominently, the result of populism – i.e. a critique of the «elite». These parties and their voters should not, then, be labelled as arrogant insiders attacking downtrodden outsiders like immigrants, workers, and minorities. Instead, the right-wingers are more justly portrayed as outsiders and underdogs, raising their anger and frustration against the insiders: the «media elite» and the «leftists and the artists»

"This book argues that Germans and Austrians have dealt with the Nazi past very differently and that these differences have had important consequences for political culture and partisan politics in the two countries. Drawing on different literatures in political science, David Art builds a framework for understanding how public deliberation transforms the political environment in which it occurs. The book analyzes how public debates about the "lessons of history" created a culture of contrition in Germany that prevented a resurgent far right from consolidating itself in German politics after unification. By contrast, public debates in Austria nourished a culture of victimization that provided a hospitable environment for the rise of right-wing populism

Cover page -- Halftitle page -- Series page -- Title page -- Copyright page -- Dedication -- Contents -- Illustrations -- Preface and Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Islamist women, pious women, or conservative, right-wing women? -- Organization of the book -- 1 Old Versus New Turkey -- "Old Turkey" -- "New Turkey" under the Justice and Development Party -- Media under the AKP -- 2 The Headscarf as a Contested Terrain in Turkish Media and Politics -- Why universities? The headscarf, conservative families ,and the control of women's sexuality -- The headscarf, Islamism, and the secular establishment -- The headscarf and the liberal democrats -- The headscarf and Turkish feminists -- The headscarf under the AKP -- 3 Transformation of the Representations of the Headscarf in Religious and Secular Newspapers -- Gender and visual culture of newspapers in Turkey -- The headscarf representing "the people" -- Narratives and counter-narratives -- Images of success -- Images of poverty -- Images of conservative female journalists -- 4 The Rise of the Conservative Female Journalist and the Mainstreaming of the Headscarf -- Justifying and legitimating authoritarianism: the AKP, Erdoğan, and conservative female journalists -- Dilemma between objectivity and partisanship: women as critical voices from inside the AKP -- The Gezi protests and Islamist female journalists -- Populist language in pro-AKP women columnists' writing -- Women and right-wing politics -- Wounded conscience -- 5 Loss of Sisterhood: Challenges for the Progressive Feminist Movement in Turkey -- The rise of antifeminism and the breakdown of sisterhood -- Who represents "women's rights"? -- Conflicting perspectives on the AKP's gender policies -- The institutionalization of antifeminism in Turkey -- Possibilities for the future of feminism in Turkey.

"The November 13, 2015 Paris terrorist attacks marked the definitive moment when the migration crisis became associated with terrorism, stoking an increasingly heated debate over the perceived dangers of migration, Islam, and extremist politics in Europe. The sudden emergence of migration as the mobilizing factor for European security, political discourse, and socio-economic realities has profoundly affected Europe's contrasting perceptions of its own identity and values, precipitating an increasingly global response to tackling migration challenges in Europe and worldwide. Migration, Terrorism, and the Future of a Divided Europe: A Continent Transformed chronicles the turbulent events of the 2015-2016 migration crisis, creating a context in which future political, economic, social, and security trends in Europe can be understood. The study also examines in detail the deep history of the ideological origins and histories of treaties and policies that have defined the European Union and its guidance of the crisis. Readers will gain insight into the origins, factual realities, and projected ramifications for the continent's future security, politics, and socio-economic identity; the impact of media coverage on public perception; the differing policies and rhetoric of rival right- and left-wing parties in Europe; and the new security threats arising from a widened terrorist threat matrix that will comprise new targets, methods, and logistics. Finally, the book outlines the larger policy actions and trends expected, on the global level, towards handling future migration crises, and explains how this will have an impact on Europe. This important new work is the cumulative result of author Chris Deliso's extensive academic background in European history and thought; his on-the-ground presence in the target region before, during, and after the crisis; and his interviews with security officials, diplomatic figures, and practitioners directly involved with shaping the policies that were visible during the crisis. Offering a broad historical context, the text portrays the current crisis within the context of a much longer institutional and ideological divide that has existed in Europe and shaped policies for almost a century"--Provided by publisher.

Inspired by the success of the US Christian Right and the rise of the global far-right, ultraconservative Christians in Europe are joining forces and seek to reshape Europe. By assembling in anti-gender movements and sharing anti-Muslim narratives, they actively influence the political landscape and shape government policies. The contributors offer new perspectives on the protagonists and the entangled networks that work to abolish liberal democracy in Europe behind the scenes. This anthology is the first to bring together case studies on the Christian Right in over 20 European countries, providing a transnational perspective and an accessible insight for clergy, politicians and academics alike

Why leaders, not citizens, are the driving force in Europe's crisis of democracyA seeming explosion of support for right-wing populist parties has triggered widespread fears that liberal democracy is facing its worst crisis since the 1930s. Democracy Erodes from the Top reveals that the real crisis stems not from an increasingly populist public but from political leaders who exploit or mismanage the chronic vulnerabilities of democracy.In this provocative book, Larry Bartels dismantles the pervasive myth of a populist wave in contemporary European public opinion. While there has always been a substantial reservoir of populist sentiment, Europeans are no less trusting of their politicians and parliaments than they were two decades ago, no less enthusiastic about European integration, and no less satisfied with the workings of democracy. Anti-immigrant sentiment has waned. Electoral support for right-wing populist parties has increased only modestly, reflecting the idiosyncratic successes of populist entrepreneurs, the failures of mainstream parties, and media hype. Europe's most sobering examples of democratic backsliding—in Hungary and Poland—occurred not because voters wanted authoritarianism but because conventional conservative parties, once elected, seized opportunities to entrench themselves in power.By demonstrating the inadequacy of conventional bottom-up interpretations of Europe's political crisis, Democracy Erodes from the Top turns our understanding of democratic politics upside down

"This book charts the new phase of global struggles around gender equality and sexual democracy: the ultraconservative mobilization against "gender ideology" and feminist efforts to counteract it. It argues that anti-gender campaigns, which emerged around 2010 in Europe, are not a simple continuation of the anti-feminist backlash dating back to the 1970s, but part of a new political configuration. Opposition to "gender" has become a key element of the rise of right-wing populism, which successfully harnesses the anxiety, shame and anger caused by neoliberalism and threatens to destroy liberal democracy. Anti-Gender Politics in the Populist Moment offers a novel conceptualization of the relationship between the ultraconservative anti-gender movement and right-wing populist parties, examining the opportunistic synergy between these actors. The authors map the anti-gender campaigns as a global movement, putting the Polish case in a comparative perspective. They show that the anti-gender rhetoric is best understood as a reactionary critique of neoliberalism as a socio-cultural formation. The book also studies the recent wave of feminist mass mobilizations, viewing the transnational revolt of women as a left populist movement. This is an important study for those researching in Politics, Cultural Studies, Gender and Sexuality Studies and Sociology. It will also be useful for activists and policy makers"--

This book charts the new phase of global struggles around gender equality and sexual democracy: the ultraconservative mobilization against "gender ideology" and feminist efforts to counteract it. It argues that anti-gender campaigns, which emerged around 2010 in Europe, are not a simple continuation of the anti-feminist backlash dating back to the 1970s, but part of a new political configuration. Opposition to "gender" has become a key element of the rise of right-wing populism, which successfully harnesses the anxiety, shame and anger caused by neoliberalism and threatens to destroy liberal democracy. Anti-Gender Politics in the Populist Moment offers a novel conceptualization of the relationship between the ultraconservative anti-gender movement and right-wing populist parties, examining the opportunistic synergy between these actors. The authors map the anti-gender campaigns as a global movement, putting the Polish case in a comparative perspective. They show that the anti-gender rhetoric is best understood as a reactionary critique of neoliberalism as a socio-cultural formation. The book also studies the recent wave of feminist mass mobilizations, viewing the transnational revolt of women as a left populist movement. This is an important study for those doing research in politics, cultural studies, gender and sexuality studies and sociology. It will also be useful for activists and policy makers.

This book charts the new phase of global struggles around gender equality and sexual democracy: the ultraconservative mobilization against "gender ideology" and feminist efforts to counteract it. It argues that anti-gender campaigns, which emerged around 2010 in Europe, are not a simple continuation of the anti-feminist backlash dating back to the 1970s, but part of a new political configuration. Opposition to "gender" has become a key element of the rise of right-wing populism, which successfully harnesses the anxiety, shame and anger caused by neoliberalism and threatens to destroy liberal democracy.
Anti-Gender Politics in the Populist Moment offers a novel conceptualization of the relationship between the ultraconservative anti-gender movement and right-wing populist parties, examining the opportunistic synergy between these actors. The authors map the anti-gender campaigns as a global movement, putting the Polish case in a comparative perspective. They show that the anti-gender rhetoric is best understood as a reactionary critique of neoliberalism as a socio-cultural formation. The book also studies the recent wave of feminist mass mobilizations, viewing the transnational revolt of women as a left populist movement.
This is an important study for those doing research in politics, cultural studies, gender and sexuality studies and sociology. It will also be useful for activists and policy makers.

"France and Fascism : February 1934 and the Dynamics of Political Crisis is the first English-language book to examine the most significant political event in interwar France: the Paris riots of February 1934. On 6 February 1934, thousands of fascist rioters almost succeeded in bringing down the French democratic regime. The violence prompted the polarisation of French politics as hundreds of thousands of French citizens joined extreme right-wing paramilitary leagues or the left-wing Popular Front coalition. This 'French civil war', the first shots of which were fired in February 1934, would come to an end only at the liberation of France ten years later. The book challenges the assumption that the riots did not pose a serious threat to French democracy by providing a more balanced historical contextualisation of the events. Each chapter follows a distinctive analytical framework, incorporating the latest research in the field on French interwar politics as well as important new investigations into political violence and the dynamics of political crisis. With a direct focus on the actual processes of the unfolding political crisis and the dynamics of the riots themselves, France and Fascism offers a comprehensive analysis which will be of interest to undergraduate and postgraduate students, as well as scholars, in the areas of French history and politics, and fascism and the far right"--

"Today's highly fraught historical moment brings a resurgence of antisemitism. Antisemitic incidents of all kinds are on the rise across the world, including hate speech, the spread of neo-Nazi graffiti and other forms of verbal and written threats, the defacement of synagogues and Jewish cemeteries, and acts of murderous terror. Contending with Antisemitism in a Rapidly Changing Political Climate is an edited collection of 18 essays that address antisemitism in its new and resurgent forms. Against a backdrop of concerning political developments such as rising nationalism and illiberalism on the right, new forms of intolerance and anti-liberal movements on the left, and militant deeds and demands by Islamic extremists, the contributors to this timely and necessary volume seek to better understand and effectively contend with today's antisemitism"--

For most people, the idea that extremist ideologies glorify themselves through warfare, and commit crimes against humanity and genocide, is the natural extension of their moral and philosophical failings. As this volume outlines, liberal democracies such as Australia, and others, also glorify in war and they may also, at various times, engage in, support, or turn a blind eye to crimes against humanity or genocide. However, liberal democracies such as Australia, the US, and the UK, among others, routinely present themselves as arbiters of liberal values, defenders of human rights, and guardians of virture. This book explores the obvious contradiction between the ideals of liberalism and how liberal democracies ignore, and at times even justify, their failure to uphold the principles they espouse--back cover

The dissertation consists of six self-contained chapters that are related to selected incentives in fiscal federalism by using the example of the federal system in Germany. The dissertation elaborates on political as well as fiscal incentives. Chapters 2 and 3 examine election cycles, based on the political business cycle theories. Chapter 2 examines whether election cycles occur in fees of German municipalities. The results show that municipalities have a leeway to decide on fees and use this leeway to improve election prospects. Chapter 3 investigates election cycles in salary increases of German state MPs, for which the states have the decision-making authority. The results do not show that electoral motives influence increases in MP salaries. Chapters 4 and 5 investigate how government ideology influences economic policy-making. Chapter 4 analyzes whether government ideology influences income inequality in the public sector of the German states by using data on salaries of civil servants. The results do not show that left-wing governments were more active in decreasing income inequality in the public sector than center or right-wing governments. Chapter 5 analyzes whether government ideology predicts tax policies of the German states. A reform of the fiscal constitution in 2006 allowed the states to set the tax rates of the real-estate transfer tax. By investigating the tax rate increases of the German states, the results show that left-wing governments were more active in increasing the tax rates than right-wing governments. Chapters 6 and 7 investigate fiscal incentives within the federal system in Germany by analyzing whether the institutional setting also provides incentives for states' tax policies. The German fiscal equalization scheme redistributes revenues among the federal and state level and between states equalizing funds for the states. The devolution of tax setting powers to the states in 2006 provides an interesting set-up to investigate the combination of tax autonomy and fiscal equalization. The descriptive results in Chapter 6 and the empirical analysis in Chapter 7 show that equalization substantially influences tax policies of the states. The redistribution of revenues within the equalization scheme provides incentives for the states to raise rather than to lower their tax rates.

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Contents -- Foreword -- Introduction -- Does Antifa Endorse a Specific Positive Political Ideology? -- The Complicated History of Antifa Groups -- Antifa Is Based on a Rejection of Fascism, but Its Factions Also Embrace Specific Positive Goals -- Antifa's Decentralized Structure Contributes to the Movement's Ideological Diversity -- The Political Network Known as Antifa Is Organized Around Reactionary Ideals, but That Is Not the End of the Story -- Antifa's Posture of Resistance Is Deliberate and Part of Its Effectiveness -- Antifa Lacks a Distinct Positive Political Vision -- In Order to Remain Relevant, Antifa Needs to Settle on a Clear Set of Political Goals -- Is the Threat of Fascism Enough to Justify Antifa's Aggressive Tactics? -- The Specter of Fascism in American Life -- The Right Is Prepared for Violence and the Left Should Be, Too -- The Psychology of Right Wing Authoritarianism -- When Political Institutions Fail to Contain Fascist and Far Right Movements, Aggressive Opposition Becomes a Moral Necessity -- Authoritarianism Is a Threat to America and Decentralized Movements Are Necessary to Defeat It -- The American Left Is Degrading Itself by Engaging in Violent Tactics -- Left Wing Violence Is Out of Control in the United States -- The United States Is Experiencing a Major Political Crisis and Antifa Is Making Things Worse -- Antifa Is Undermining the Efforts of Peaceful Activists on the Left -- Does the Antifa Model Provide a Constructive Blueprint for the Future of the Left? -- Antifa's Impact on Contemporary American Politics -- Antifa's Small-Scale Violence Pales Next to the Large-Scale Threat of Fascist and Far Right Movements -- The Left Is Aimless and in Need of a New, More Assertive Direction -- To Accuse Antifa of Opposing Free Speech Is to Entirely Miss the Point.