Suchergebnisse

What do young people know about politics? What opinions do they have? How extensive or how limited is their interest in politics? Do young people feel as though they can exert influence within the political arena? Do boys and girls differ with respect to these points? Are young people in general more left-wing or more right-wing than the older generation? These are some of the questions which are considered in this book. The answers are applicable to ten European countries. This book is the result of an international conference the editors had organized at the University of Groningen in 1988

The article explores communication relations on Twitter during the 2015–2016 migrant "crisis" in Slovenia. By integrating social network analysis with critical discourse studies, the author finds that the "left-wing" political network had the most members. In contrast, the "right-wing" political network was notably more influential and active. The political elite, mass media, journalists, and public figures are among the most influential users. A vast majority of posts feature discriminatory discourse focused on security understandings of migration. The research is important because it provides one of the few and relatively comprehensive insights into the online digital discussion on migration in Slovenia.

We examine the relative importance of accuracy concerns and belief confirmation motives in driving the demand for news. In experiments with US respondents, we first vary beliefs about whether an outlet reports the news in a right-wing biased, left-wing biased, or unbiased way. We then measure demand for a newsletter covering articles from this outlet. Respondents only reduce their demand for biased news if the bias is inconsistent with their own political beliefs, suggesting a trade-off between accuracy concerns and belief confirmation motives. We quantify this trade-off using a structural model and find a similar quantitative importance of both motives.

Master's thesis in Computer science ; The disinformation news in media channels such as social media websites or online newspapers has become a big challenge for many organizations, governments, and scientific researchers. In connection to fake news, the political bias (left-wing or right-wing) of the news articles are recently receiving more attention. In this thesis, we leverage the Adversarially Regularized AutoEncoder (ARAE) model, which enhances the adversarial autoencoder (AAE) by learning a parameterized prior as a Generative Adversarial Networks (GAN) to generate bias-flipped headlines. We perform the experiments with multiple datasets then discuss how these approaches contribute to the bias flipping and detecting problems.

Migrants' healthcare entitlement represents a conflictive issue in the political battlefield, with research pointing towards the determinant role of party politics in determining policy outputs. Addressing the 2012 healthcare reform and 2018 counter-reform adopted in Spain by a right-wing and left-wing government respectively and drawing on qualitative analysis of parties' discourses and policy measures, we argue that ideological differences along the healthcare-migration nexus were overemphasised to play symbolic politics. Partisan competition had less impact on actual outputs, while clashes between the central and regional governments, path-dependent practices and opposition from multiple venues played a central role in the policymaking process. ; Peer reviewed

Migrants' healthcare entitlement represents a conflictive issue in the political battlefield, with research pointing towards the determinant role of party politics in determining policy outputs. Addressing the 2012 healthcare reform and 2018 counter-reform adopted in Spain by a right-wing and left-wing government respectively and drawing on qualitative analysis of parties' discourses and policy measures, we argue that ideological differences along the healthcare-migration nexus were overemphasised to play symbolic politics. Partisan competition had less impact on actual outputs, while clashes between the central and regional governments, path-dependent practices and opposition from multiple venues played a central role in the policymaking process. ; Peer reviewed

We re-examine the conventional view that to be successful, fiscal adjustments should rely on spending cuts and not on tax increases. We apply the Bai-Perron structural break filter to identify fiscal adjustments and their successfulness in 20 OECD countries. Our results suggest that the composition of fiscal adjustments is not related to their success. Furthermore, we find that political-economy variables considered are not robustly related to successful fiscal adjustments with one exception: the probability of a successful fiscal adjustment increases if left-wing goverments rely on spending cuts and right-wing governments rely on tax increases.

This paper analyzes the effects of voter turnout on the vote shares received by the incumbent government. A system of simultaneous equations is estimated using a panel dataset of 278 Portuguese municipalities, for the period 1979-2005, covering 10 legislative elections. The results indicate that right-wing governments have lower vote shares when turnout is higher, while left-wing ones seem to be unaffected. There is also evidence of the responsibility hypothesis, that turnout is higher in closer elections, and that regional/local economic variables have non-linear effects on turnout. ; COMPETE, QREN, FEDER, Fundação para a Ciência e a ...

AbstractLatin American military dictatorships of the twentieth century were often right-wing, elitist and violent. A marked exception was the left-wing Peruvian military government of Juan Velasco Alvarado. More exceptional still was the government's use of visual media. Between 1968 and 1970 it produced approximately 20 posters, printed in editions of 50,000 to 200,000, to promote the radical Agrarian Reform Law. These posters provide vibrant representations of the agrarian reform's ideological aspects, which have been under-studied. A detailed exploration of visual communication shows that the government deployed aesthetically sophisticated propaganda and symbols to encourage social participation in the reform.

We investigate the political determinants of liberalization in OECD network industries, performing a panel estimation over thirty years, through the largest and most updated sample available. Contrary to traditional ideological cleavages, we find that right-wing governments liberalize less than left-wing ones. This result is confirmed when controlling for the existing regulatory conditions that executives find when elected. Furthermore, governments' heterogeneity, proportional electoral rules, and European Union membership all show positive and statistically significant effects on liberalization. Our findings suggest that, despite the conventional wisdom, the political-economic rationale behind liberalization paths in network industries is far from being assessed.

Over the course of the 20th century, terrorist organizations possessing different political & religious outlooks have been formed in different regions of the world. This note reports that the peak decades for the formation of terrorist groups were the 1970s & 1980s. Since that period, the pace of terrorist group formation has slowed substantially. Further, during the 1970s & 1980s the political goals of terrorist bands consisted of a heterogeneous mix of nationalist, left-wing revolutionary, right-wing radical, & religious agendas. During the 1990s new terrorist groups have been largely reflective of religious concerns, Islamist ones in particular. 1 Table, 3 Figures. Adapted from the source document.

D. Hibbs's work on the politics of macroeconomic policy ("Political Parties and Macroeconomic Policy," & "Communication," American Political Science Review, 1977, 71, 1467-1487; & 1983, 77, 447-451, respectively) is replicated & extended by considering political effects on unemployment in GB & the US from Jan 1947 to Dec 1983, based on data gathered from the UN Monthly Bulletin of Statistics. Unemployment is seen to fall under left-wing & rise under right-wing governments. However, these partisan effects on unemployment in an open economy like GB's can only be satisfactorily estimated relative to the level of world economic activity. The US has major effects on world economic activity but is also subject to feedback from the economies of other countries. Politicians' strategic incentives & economic regime constraints determine whether partisan effects on unemployment will be sustained, transitory, or absent. In GB, only a model in which partisan impacts are transitory satisfactorily estimates the effects of changes of party control. In the US, only the transitory-impact model is able to estimate partisan effects in recent administrations. 4 Tables, 1 Figure, 32 References. Modified HA

For the past four years right-wing and left-wing organizations in the United States have been aware of a new foreign policy establishment known as the Trilateral Commission. This group, founded by David Rockefeller, is comprised largely of corporate executives from Western Europe, Japan, and the U.S. Jimmy Carter, Walter Mondale, Zbigniew Brzezinski, and Cyrus Vance, as well as seventeen other members and former members of the Carter administration, belonged to this group before they took office. Key political figures in the governments of Japan and Western Europe also belong, as do John Anderson, George Bush, and Henry Kissinger.

Diese ideologiegeschichtliche Dissertation hat die ideologischen Voraussetzungen, Inhalte und Ziele außenpolitischer Vorstellungen zum Gegenstand, die in den ersten (Krisen-)Jahren der Weimarer Republik (1918-1923) von der deutschvölkischen Bewegung - teils basierend auf aus der Vorkriegszeit tradierten Ideologemen - entwickelt und propagiert wurden. Einleitend analysiert und definiert sie die ideologischen Grundlagen deutschvölkischen außenpolitischen Denkens: das Politik- und Außenpolitikverständnis der Deutschvölkischen, deren Verständnis von Krieg und Militär als Mittel der Außenpolitik sowie deren Rassismus als zentralen Fixpunkt des deutschvölkischen Menschenbildes. Rassenantisemitismus erweist sich dabei als integraler, wenn auch von den Deutschvölkischen besonders betonter Bestandteil eines übergeordneten Rassismusbegriffes und wird deshalb nicht isoliert betrachtet. Das bedeutet für die Einordnung des Deutschvölkischen Schutz- und Trutzbundes (DVSTB), dass er anders, als in der bisherigen Forschung geschehen, als Rassistenbund und nicht ausschließlich als Antisemitenbund zu interpretieren ist. Im Februar 1919 gegründet, stieg der DVSTB bis zu seinem annähernd reichsweiten Verbot im Sommer 1922 aufgrund seines von Anbeginn reichsweiten Ortsgruppennetzes und seiner rasanten Mitgliederentwicklung (Sommer 1922: ca. 150.000 bis 180.000 Mitglieder) innerhalb der sonst von der Zersplitterung in viele, häufig nur regional agierende Klein- und Kleinstgruppen gepägten völkischen Bewegung zur größten und dominierenden Einzelorganisation auf. Deshalb ist er als für die gesamte Bewegung repräsentative pars pro toto als eingrenzender Rahmen dieser Untersuchung ausgewählt worden. In einem weiteren Analyseschritt wird herausgearbeitet, wie die Deutschvölkischen die aus ihrer sozialdarwinistischen Sicht wichtigsten, da mächtigsten, stärksten Völker ("Engländer", US-Amerikaner, Franzosen und Russen) in ihrem rassistischen Menschenbild verorteten und welche tradierten Völkerstereotypen sie dabei verarbeiteten. Darüber hinaus legt die Dissertation dar, wie die Deutschvölkischen die aus ihrer Sicht wichtigsten außenpolitischen Ereignissen ihrer Zeit wahrnahmen und welche Positionen sie - ausgehend von ihrer ideologischen Grundüberzeugungen - dazu bezogen. Insbesondere am Beispiel der bis in die Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts zurückzuverfolgenden Forderung nach "Lebensraum im Osten" geht die Dissertation der über die Jahre 1922/23 weit hinausgreifenden Fragestellung nach, welche langfristigen Ziele, die ab 1933 offizielle Ziele deutscher Außenpolitik werden sollten, bereits zu Beginn der Weimarer Republik in der deutschvölkischen Bewegung entwickelt wurden. Abschließend werden die Kontakte beleuchtet, die der DVSTB - mit geringem Erfolg - versuchte, zu Gesinnungsgenossen im Ausland zu knüpfen, um eine "Völkische" bzw. "Weiße Internatioonale" zu gründen. Im Verlauf der Untersuchung werden Querverbindungen zu anderen zentralen völkischen Ideologiebestandteilen hergestellt, z. B. zu den bestimmenden völkischen Negationen Republik- und Demokratiefeindschaft, Antiparlamentarismus, Antikommunismus, Antiliberalismus, Antifeminismus, Antiindustrialismus und Antiurbanismus. Wiederholt werden die Methoden thematisiert, mit denen der DVSTB außenpolitische Themen innenpolitisch gegen die Repräsentanten und die verfassungsmäßige Ordnung der Weimarer Republik instrumentalisierte. Völkische Positionen zur Außenpoltik werden so in einen übergeordneten Zusammenhang zum völkischen Antimodernismus und somit in einen Gesamtkontext zum vielfältigen Spektrum völkischer Ideologie und Propaganda gestellt. ; This dissertation deals with the partially pre-war based ideological prerequisites, contents and goals regarding foreign affairs designed and propagated by the German "völkisch" movement during the initial (troubled) years of the Weimar Republic (1918-1923). By way of introduction, this paper analyses and defines the ideological prerequisites of the German "völkisch" way of thinking: the understanding of politics and foreign affairs of the German "völkisch" as well as their understanding of war and military as a means of foreign affairs as well as their racism as a central fixing point of the German "Völkisch" picture of mankind. Racial antisemitism turns out to be an integral, but also emphasised part of the generic "Racism" and is therefore not examined isolatedly. This results in a new interpretation of the "Deutschvölkischer Schutz- und Trutzbund" (DVSTB), which was not only an antisemitic organisation, as it was regarded by historians so far, but also a racist organisation. Founded in February of 1919, the DVSTB became the largest and dominating individual organisation until its nearly Reich-wide prohibition in summer of 1922. Its dominance was due to its already in the beginning Reich-wide existing network of "Ortsgruppen" (regional groups) and fast rise of members (summer 1922: approximately 150 000 to 180 000 members).The "völkisch" movement in a whole showed signs of fragmentation into regionally acting small and very small groups. Therefore, the DVSTB was chosen to be the pars pro toto for the movement in the paper. Another step in the analysis examines how the German "völkisch" integrated the (in their social darwinist point of view) most important, because most powerful and strongest people (the "English" US Americans, French and Russians) into their racist picture of mankind and which traditional stereotypes they used for this means. Above that, this dissertation explains how the German "völkisch" perceived the from their point of view most important events in foreign affairs and which position they took up resulting from their basic ideological views. This dissertation explores the question which long-term goals the German "völkisch" movement already developed in the beginning of the Weimar Republic. Gaining "Lebensraum im Osten" (living space in the East), a claim which was already made in the middle of the 19th century, is particularly explained as an example of these goals. These goals proved to be the official German goals in foreign affairs from 1933 on. This dissertation concludes with the contacts to foreign right-wing extremists the DVSTB tried to establish with minor success to found a "völkisch" or "Weiße Internationale" (White International). The analysis shows links to other central parts of "völkisch" ideology, for example "völkisch" negations such as anti-republic as well as anti-democratic views, anti-parlamentarism, anti-communism, anti-liberalism, anti-feminism, anti-industrialism, and anti-urbanism. Repeatedly, this dissertation shows methods the DVSTB used to work against the representatives and against the constitutional order of the Weimar Republic. "Völkisch" views regarding foreign affairs are therefore shown in the superordinate context of "völkisch" anti-modernism and herewith in the overall context of a manifold spectrum of "völkisch" ideology and propaganda.