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In parliament, populist parties express their positions almost every day through voting. There is great diversity among them, for instance between left-wing and right-wing populist parties. This gives rise to the question: is the parliamentary behaviour of populists motivated by their populism or by their position on the left/right spectrum? This article compares the parliamentary voting behaviour of the Dutch SP and PVV, the only left-wing and right-wing populist parties that have been in a Western European parliament for more than four years. We find that for their voting behaviour the left/right position of these populist parties is more important than their shared populism. Only on one core populist issue (opposition to supranational institutions) do we find strong similarity in their voting behaviour.

This chapter challenges the common explanation for the success or failure of right-wing populism, conducting a theory-testing analysis. Right-wing populist parties are often viewed as a temporary phenomenon, caused by some form of a crisis that weakened society. Cas Mudde offered an alternative explanation, claiming that the core sentiments of right-wing populism are rooted in society. Three concepts – authoritarianism, nativism and populism – are assumed to form the basis of right-wing populism. Examining party programs, public statements and secondary literature on the German parties Die Republikaner, Schill-Partei and Alternative für Deutschland, this chapter identifies to what extent the three notions are reflected in the parties' ideologies. Next, the chapter looks at public opinion surveys in order to detect those sentiments within the German society. The analysis reveals that the three notions are not only part of the parties' ideologies, but are also consistently present in the German public opinion. The findings furthermore indicate that the success or failure of right-wing populist parties depends on their ability to deal with organisational struggles, to broaden their agenda and to provide a charismatic leader. As a consequence, this study of right-wing populism shows that explaining the surge of such parties based on the occurrence of crisis might be a convenient argument by those who neglect that the problem goes deeper.

El artículo parte de la discusión actual sobre si la proliferación de los así denominados populismos de derecha invalida o no la tesis de Laclau de que el populismo es un tipo de articulación que puede dar un sentido emancipatorio a la iniciativa política. Dicho debate que se ha presentado fundamentalmente bajo la oposición binaria populismos de derechas frente a populismos de izquierda tiene a dos voces contrapuestas, las de Fassin y Mouffe, que el texto se propone revisar, desde una perspectiva laclausiana, a partir de dos preguntas que se desprenden de las posiciones políticas de los autores: ¿es posible, como desearía Fassin, eludir o eliminar el populismo? ¿Es posible distinguir entre un populismo de derechas y uno de izquierdas, como propone Mouffe?The article takes as a point of departure the current discussion about the proliferation of the so called right-wing populisms that put into question Laclau's thesis that populism is a sort of articulation that may bring about emancipatory directions to politics. This debate, that has recently taken the format of an opposition between right-wing populism vs. leftwing populisms, has two main competing voices —Fassin and Mouffe— that the text reviews from a Laclausian perspective. The two questions addressed, that rise from the political position of each author, are the following: is it possible to eliminate populism as Fassin would prefer? Is it possible to establish a differentiation between right-wing and left-wing populism as Mouffe affirms? ; The article takes as a point of departure the current discussion about the proliferation of the so called right-wing populisms that put into question Laclau's thesis that populism is a sort of articulation that may bring about emancipatory directions to politics. This debate, that has recently taken the format of an opposition between right-wing populism vs. leftwing populisms, has two main competing voices —Fassin and Mouffe— that the text reviews from a Laclausian perspective. The two questions addressed, that rise from the political position of each author, are the following: is it possible to eliminate populism as Fassin would prefer? Is it possible to establish a differentiation between right-wing and left-wing populism as Mouffe affirms?

We build a public finance model that explains why voters vote for right-wing populists, and also under which conditions established politicians will adopt a right-wing populist policy platform. Voters with lower private income have a stronger demand for basic public services at the expense of spending on a global good; generosity of refugee support systems, foreign aid, and environmental protection. Low income voters are thus more prone to support right-wing populists who oppose spending on such global goods. We conclude that established politicians that are challenged by right-wing populists will implement a policy with no global good spending if the relative cost of the global good is high enough. Additionally, adoption of right-wing populist policy is more likely when the economy is in a recession.

'New media' information technologies were recently thought to be so intrinsically different from 'old,' mass media, technologies that fascism would no longer be possible. Through new media information and communication technologies, the political 'mass' was supposedly replaced by the 'crowd' or the 'swarm,' and an old mass media replaced by a new media serving individual 'information needs.' However, extreme right-wing political populism and encroaching fascism today are world-wide phenomena in developed countries, not only despite new media, but partly because of it. How is this possible?

The increasing global prominence of right-wing extremism and terrorism has been noted by scholars and government agencies alike. While right-wing terrorism has been documented throughout postwar history, groups have evolved, resulting in diverse materializations of violence perpetrated on behalf of varying ideologies and perceived threats. This paper draws upon Campion's research into Australian right-wing extremism and terrorism, where three ideological threat narratives were identified. The aim of this research was to determine the applicability of Rapoport's 'wave' theory to the international evolution of extreme right-wing activity. In doing so, Campion's framework is utilized and a case study analysis undertaken, investigating anti-communist, anti-immigration and anti-Islamic rhetoric on a transnational and transhistorical basis. It is argued that waves are found internationally, and that Rapoport's model is therefore applicable to the right-wing milieu. The paper concludes that the extreme right is on the cusp of the next wave and discusses trends that may inform those in a position to counteract the forthcoming wave of activity. There remains a need for law enforcement and security agencies to monitor right-wing extremism and terrorism activity to remain attuned to the ever-evolving threat as the next wave manifests.

Neste trabalho, analisam-se as estratégias do Movimento Brasil Livre (MBL) na internet, com base em diálogo com membros filiados, análise quantitativa de dados on-line e revisão de publicações sobre o tema. Para tanto, foi construída uma dupla linha de investigação, associando extração e análise de uma amostra representativa do conteúdo imagético publicado em redes sociais a diálogo e investigações de vertente etnográfica. Levantamos as hipóteses de que o movimento utiliza a linguagem de memes para fazer apelos constantes aos cidadãos na rede, apostando em canais de comunicação direta, incentivando narrativas pessoais sobre a política e refletindo uma agenda liberal/libertária positiva. ; This paper analyses MBL's (Free Brazil Movement) internet campaigning strategies, based on dialogs with members, online data quantitative analysis and a review of postings related to that theme. For such, we elaborated a dual investigative plan, associating the selection and analysis of a representative sample of images posted on social network sites with ethnographic investigations. We hypothesise that the movement uses meme language to make constant appeals to average citizens, using direct communication channels and fostering personal narratives about politics and reflecting a liberal/libertarian positive agenda.

This article will attempt to explain how Right-wing American populists who often pride themselves on their "Judeo-Christian" values have arrived at non-Christian (if not anti-Christian) perspectives on migration. Utilizing Donald M. Kerwin's contribution to Christianity and the Law of Migration, this article suggests that we can better understand the method of constructing anti-immigrant rhetoric on a perceived Christian foundation through scriptural exegesis. Placing Kerwin's chapter alongside various scriptural passages and other scholars' work, this article will propose that Right-wing populists have constructed an ascriptural Jesus in order to justify certain tenets of the Right's political agenda. One primary tenant of this political agenda is the exclusivism and nationalism inherent in the Right's anti-immigration policy.

In this study we explain extreme right-wing voting behaviour in the countries of the European Union and Norway from a micro and macro perspective. Using a multidisciplinary multilevel approach, we take into account individual-level social background characteristics and public opinion alongside country characteristics and characteristics of extreme right-wing parties themselves. By making use of large-scale survey data (N = 49,801) together with country-level statistics and expert survey data, we are able to explain extreme right-wing voting behaviour from this multilevel perspective. Our results show that cross-national differences in support of extreme right-wing parties are particularly due to differences in public opinion on immigration and democracy, the number of non-Western residents in a country and, above all, to party characteristics of the extreme right-wing parties themselves.

The main purpose of this article is to describe and elaborate an axiology of new political movement named bioluddism orbioconservatism. We are going to focus on the right wing of biolludism, which embraces ideas and theories such authorsas John Kass, Francis Fukuyama and Michael Sandel. The background of our work is biopolitical litigation between bioluddists and transhumansists which takes place in contemporary USA. Common point to this theories is a crypto-religious character of theirs argumentation. In conclusion we are going to show the value of this kind of arguments inthe contemporary political and ideological context. ; The main purpose of this article is to describe and elaborate an axiology of new political movement named bioluddism or bioconservatism. We are going to focus on the right wing of biolludism, which embraces ideas and theories such authors as John Kass, Francis Fukuyama and Michael Sandel. The background of our work is biopolitical litigation between bioluddists and transhumansists which takes place in contemporary USA. Common point to this theories is a crypto-religious character of theirs argumentation. In conclusion we are going to show the value of this kind of arguments in the contemporary political and ideological context.

The main purpose of this article is to describe and elaborate an axiology of new political movement named bioluddism or bioconservatism. We are going to focus on the right wing of biolludism, which embraces ideas and theories such authors as John Kass, Francis Fukuyama and Michael Sandel. The background of our work is biopolitical litigation between bioluddists and transhumansists which takes place in contemporary USA. Common point to this theories is a crypto-religious character of theirs argumentation. In conclusion we are going to show the value of this kind of arguments in the contemporary political and ideological context. ; The main purpose of this article is to describe and elaborate an axiology of new political movement named bioluddism orbioconservatism. We are going to focus on the right wing of biolludism, which embraces ideas and theories such authorsas John Kass, Francis Fukuyama and Michael Sandel. The background of our work is biopolitical litigation between bioluddists and transhumansists which takes place in contemporary USA. Common point to this theories is a crypto-religious character of theirs argumentation. In conclusion we are going to show the value of this kind of arguments inthe contemporary political and ideological context.

This paper aims to portray theoretical debates to better understand the current state of the populist movements and political parties in the European Union, which is hit by various kinds of social-economic and financial difficulties leading to the escalation of fear and prejudice vis-à-vis 'others' who are ethno-culturally and religiously different. The main premise of this paper is that the ongoing social-political-economic-financial change in the EU resulting in fear against the unknown such as Islam, Muslims, refugees and migrants is likely to be turned by individual agents into cultural/religious/civilizational reification and political radicalization in order to overcome fear. The findings of this paper derive from a qualitative fieldwork held within the framework of a Horizon 2020 Research Project called "Critical Heritages (CoHERE): performing and representing identities in Europe".1 The fieldwork was held the research team in Dresden, Toulon, Rome, Rotterdam, Athens and Istanbul between March and May 2017. The main premise of this work in progress is to claim that pathologizing right-wing populism is not scientifically and politically productive. Rather than being the cause of the current state of political crisis in many European Union countries, right-wing populism should be interpreted as one of the symptoms of the long-neglected structural problems augmented by neo-liberal forms of governmentality.

The main purpose of this article is to describe and elaborate an axiology of new political movement named bioluddism or bioconservatism. We are going to focus on the right wing of biolludism, which embraces ideas and theories such authors as John Kass, Francis Fukuyama and Michael Sandel. The background of our work is biopolitical litigation between bioluddists and transhumansists which takes place in contemporary USA. Common point to this theories is a crypto -religious character of theirs argumentation. In conclusion we are going to show the value of this kind of arguments in the contemporary political and ideological context.

The article deals with three terrorist attacks of right-wing extremists: in Norway (2011), New Zealand (2019) and Germany (2019). First, the modus operandi of perpetrators was shown and the course of each attack was analyzed. It was indicated what tactics the attackers used and why it was or was not effective. Secondly, the ideological background and motivations of the perpetrators were shown. It was possible to analyze the manifestos that the perpetrators left, and thus their way of thinking, their ideologies, and the purposes of organizing the attacks. Thirdly, issues related to the publicizing of the attacks by the perpetrators were shown. The goal of the article is to show that radical ideology of right-wing extremists (expressed in manifestos) leads to tragedies. In analyzed cases radical appointment of the perpetrators caused three deadly attacks. The article shows that the radical actions are preceded by radical speech, expressions, manifestos. The second goal is to pay attention to hate speech (also expressed in manifestos), which is just as dangerous as bullets or improvised explosive devices. The third goal is to show how the attackers used acts of terror to spread the ideologies to which they were devoted.

The paper compares neoliberal market-fundamentalism and right-wing populism on the basis of its core patterns of thinking and reasoning. Hence we offer an analysis of the work of important founders of market-fundamental economic thinking (particularly von Mises) and an established definition of populism (demonstrated by the example of arguments brought forward by leading populists, like Trump). In doing so, we highlight conceptual resemblances of these two approaches: Both assume a dually divided world that is split into only two countervailing parts. Right-wing populism shows a society split into two groups, fighting against each other. In a similar vein, neoliberal market-fundamentalists argue that there are only two possible countervailing economic and societal orders. We argue that the categorical analogies between neoliberal marketfundamentalism and right-wing populism could provide the basis for a new form of authoritarian neoliberalism.