Suchergebnisse

Georgia and the democracy promotion project -- Illusions of democracy -- The blossoming of the revolution -- How democratic was the Rose Revolution? -- Governance by adrenaline -- The U.S. role in the Rose Revolution -- Georgia and the United States after the revolution -- Georgia and the fading of the color revolutions

The attacks on New York and Washington on September 11, 2001, enhanced the importance of both the Transcaucasus and Central Asia to American security. Overflight rights through the Caucasus to Central Asia and Afghanistan are vital components of the ongoing military effort there by both U.S. and NATO forces. But this region has multiple conflicts and fault-lines. As multiple recent crises show, Russo-Georgian tensions connected with South Ossetia and Abkhazia could erupt into open violence at any time. The author outlines the possibilities for conflict in this region and the qualities that make it strategically important, not only for Washington and Moscow, but also increasingly for Europe

The puppet masters -- Project democracy -- Proxy fight : the fall of Milosevic -- The revolution-makers -- Liberal imperialism -- A Caucasian knot -- The rose revolution -- The end of politics -- A chestnut of an idea -- Spiked oranges and felt boots -- Orange Kiev, blue Little Russia -- Unmanageable democracy -- The new great game -- Where roses don't grow -- The Kremlin strikes back -- Afterglow

1. Georgia: revolution and war 1. - 2. Reflections on the Rose Revolution 5. - 3. Explaining Georgia's anti-corruption drive 16. - 4. Georgia's war on crime: creating security in a post-revolutionary context 37. - 5. The difficulties of knowing the start of war in the information age: Russia, Georgia and the War over South Ossetia, August 2008 57. - 6. The Russian case for military intervention in Georgia: international law, norms and political calculation 90. - 7. Civil society and conflict transformation in the Georgian-Abkhaz conflict: accomplishments and challenges 118 . - 8. The Russo-Georgian war and beyond: towards a European great power concert 130. - 9. A view from Tbilisi 150. - 10. Some thoughts on Ronald Asmus' 'Little War that Shook the World: Georgia, Russia and the Future of the West' (Palgrave, 2010) 156

Over the past fifty years, a silent revolution has allowed the radical left to seize power to an extent unthinkable only a decade ago. Stranger still, no one has noticed. Throughout the twentieth century, leftists worked tirelessly toward their goal of a proletarian revolution. But they continually fell short. American workers rejected socialism in the 1920s and declined to join the international communist movement in the 1930s. The New Left flowered briefly in the 1960s but petered out with the end of the Vietnam War. When the Soviet Union finally collapsed in 1991, radical Marxism seemed to have been defeated and discredited for good. Not so fast, says the political scientist Barry Rubin in this sharply pointed history of the modern American left. Far from disappearing, the radical left has undergone an ideological revolution and has rebranded itself as liberalism. Rubin traces the roots of this new ideology to the ideas of domestic radicals like Saul Alinsky, cultural Marxists like Antonio Gramsci, and Third World revolutionary thinkers like Frantz Fanon. This new brand of leftism constitutes a Third Left that now dominates the liberal movement in the United States. The Third Left's main ideological innovation is the abandonment of the working class as a revolutionary vehicle. Instead it targets the education system, and it has now trained several generations of Americans to think in leftist terms of fairness and social justice