Suchergebnisse

After the Rose Revolution, President Saakashvili tried to move away from the exclusionary nationalism of the past, which had poisoned relations between Georgians and their Armenian and Azerbaijani compatriots. His government instead sought to foster an inclusionary nationalism, wherein belonging was contingent upon speaking the state language and all Georgian speakers, irrespective of origin, were to be equals. This article examines this nation-building project from a top-down and bottom-up lens. I first argue that state officials took rigorous steps to signal that Georgian-speaking minorities were part of the national fabric, but failed to abolish religious and historical barriers to their inclusion. I next utilize a large-scale, matched-guise experiment (n= 792) to explore if adolescent Georgians ostracize Georgian-speaking minorities or embrace them as their peers. I find that the upcoming generation of Georgians harbor attitudes in line with Saakashvili's language-centered nationalism, and that current Georgian nationalism therefore is more inclusionary than previous research, or Georgia's tumultuous past, would lead us to believe.

Examines various issues of conflict and tension between post-Soviet Georgia and Russia after introducing Georgia's seeming lack of good luck with its leadership exemplified by Zviad Gamsakhurdia and Eduard Shavardnadze. It is hoped that the third and current president, Mikhail Saakasvilli, who replaced Shavardnadze, will more successfully address Georgia's realities and potentials and not fail after an initial rule of extreme popularity as did the first two presidents. Rocky Russian-Georgian relations, the "rose' revolution, Georgia's approach to terrorism, border-crossing visas between the countries, a framework agreement, Russian military bases in Georgia, the rights of Meskhetian Turks, territorial issues regarding Abkhazia and South Ossetia, United States' policy interests toward Georgia, and Russia's future relations with Georgia are scrutinized. It is concluded that the desire for improved Russian-Georgian relations exists, but it is clear Georgia's foreign policy strategy must yet clarify its real policy interests against its idealistic objectives in order to quicken the process of moving from mistrust to reliable dialogue and effective cooperation.

"This landmark study is a detailed textual and thematic analysis of one of Nietzsche's most important but least understood works. Stanley Rosen argues that in Zarathustra Nietzsche lays the groundwork for philosophical and political revolution, proposing a change in humanity's condition that would be achieved by eliminating the decadent exisiting race and breeding a new race to take its place. Rosen discusses Nietzsche's systematically duplicitous rhetoric messages in Zarathustra, and he places the book in the contexts of Greek, Christian, Enlightenment, and postmodernist thought."--Jacket

Abstract
Scholars frequently portray the end of the Habsburg Monarchy as driven by nationalist revolutions in the provinces. The experience of the Jiu Valley, Transylvania's largest coal basin, demonstrates that nationalism was neither the only basis for revolution nor the most popular in all parts of the province. The multiethnic working class of Jiu embraced revolution as a response to state failures to provide basic services in a worsening wartime economy, even as state demand for coal rose. The miners created the Black Diamond Republic in October 1918 as Austro-Hungarian armies collapsed in an effort to actively negotiate their status after the war. The miners embraced revolution not as a bid for independence or ethnic secession but as a means to maintain local union power and negotiate the conditions of their inclusion in either Romania or Hungary. While "Romanian" and "Hungarian" councils were formed, such identities in Jiu were also linked to occupation (worker, peasant, or intellectual) rather than clear definitions of ethnicity.

At the Bering Straits, Russia and Alaska share a common ecology: rolling tundra and icy mountains divided by the narrow ocean. Every living thing exists without plentiful solar energy, curtailing the productivity evident in temperate climates. Yet over the course of the long twentieth century, Russians and Americans were drawn north by its potential riches, from the energy in walrus blubber to the currency of gold. They stayed to make converts, fortunes, and states. This dissertation chronicles the environmental, political, economic and cultural revolutions that came in their wake. These revolutions map onto the distribution of energy in arctic space. Europeans began by harvesting whales, moved to hunting walrus on coasts, attempted to farm reindeer on land, sought gold underground, and finally returned to hunting whales at sea. Organized around these spaces, the following five chapters trace a narrative from the stateless meetings of indigenous Yupik, Inupiat, and Chukchi with commercial hunters, to the inception of national borders and ideas of citizenship, through to the region's division along ideological lines. Using ecological and anthropological scholarship and sources from twenty local, regional, and national archives in the U.S. and Russia, it examines how capitalism and communism, which imagine history as universal, progress as inevitable, and production as infinite, met with the constraints of the far north. The common extremity of the Beringian environment provides a unique space in which to compare the twentieth century's two great economic systems. The resulting insights transcend the peripheral geography, and contribute to major questions in the histories of capitalism, socialism, and the environment. First, comparing how people understood their northern environs, and how they chose to change them, demonstrates how both economies were laced with normative assumptions about the trajectory of people's lives and history. Capitalism was never simply about how commodities were owned and traded, any more than communism was only about collective ownership of the means of production. Rather, both were ideologies that shaped what was thinkable, valuable, and rational. Second, these ideas did not exist outside environmental context. In ways specific to marine, coastal, and terrestrial habitats, local ecologies changed the practice of communism and capitalism. By investigating how intent became action, and action shaped new intents, this project shows instances of socialist rationality, market irrationality, and unexpected resemblance. Above all, both economic and ideological systems were contingent on factors beyond human control. Attention to the non-human, from animal behavior to climate, demonstrates how agency, in the sense of individual or collective will working on the world, was situational. The result is a history of how human intention and action were negotiated in concert with the environments they inhabited.

Cuba in the global context -- U.S. policy toward Latin America since 1959: How exceptional is Cuba? / Lars Schoultz -- An island on the doorstep of the world: Cuba's place in U.S. global visions / Ronald W. Pruessen -- Flicking the eagle's feathers?: Cuba, revolution, and the international system / Candace Sobers -- Havana and Moscow: the Washington factor / Mervyn J. Bain -- Does the Canada-Cuba relationship offer any lessons for Washington? / Peter McKenna and John M. Kirk -- The European Union and Cuba / Joaquín Roy -- Cuba and the United States, 1959-2009 / The personal is political: animus and malice in the U.S. policy toward Cuba, 1959-2009 / Louis A. Perez Jr -- The Eisenhower-Castro years: the United States, Cuba, and the challenges of change / Francisca López Civeira -- The Kennedy-Castro years / David A. Welch -- Superpower containment of Cuba: the Johnson-Nixon-Castro years / William O. Walker III -- The Nixon-Ford-Castro years / Rosa López-Oceguera -- The Carter-Castro years: a unique opportunity / Robert A. Pastor -- The Reagan-Castro years: the "new right" and its anti-Cuban obsession / Ramón Sánchez-Parodi Montoto -- The George H. W. Bush-Clinton-Castro years: from the cold war to the colder war (1989-2001) / Jorge I. Domínguez -- The George W. Bush-Castro years / Soraya M. Castro Mariño and Philip Brenner -- The new Cuban American politics: passion, affection, dollars, and the emergence of Mihavana / Damián Fernández -- Visions of the future -- Transitology, realpolitik and todo lo contrario: old and new futures in U.S.-Cuban relations / Rafael M. Hernández -- U.S.-Cuban relations: prospects for cooperative coexistence / William M. Leogrande and Marguerite Rose Jimenez -- The time for Cuba is coming / Víctor López Villafañe

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Andrew Ross Introduction -- Histories and Futures -- George Lipsitz We Know What Time It Is: Race, Class and Youth Culture in the Nineties -- Susan McClary Same as it Ever Was: Youth Culture and Music -- Lawrence Grossberg Is Anybody Listening? Does Anybody Care?: On Talking about 'The State of Rock' -- Greg Tate Excerpt from Altered Spade: Readings in Race-Mutation Theory -- Locating Hip Hop -- Tricia Rose A Style Nobody Can Deal With: Politics, Style and the Postindustrial City in Hip Hop -- Juan Flores Puerto Rican and Proud, Boyee!: Rap Roots and Amnesia -- Jeffrey Louis Decker The State of Rap: Time and Place in Hip Hop Nationalism -- Tricia Rose Contracting Rap: An Interview with Carmen Ashhurst-Watson -- The Dance Continuum -- Walter Hughes In the Empire of the Beat: Discipline and Disco -- Lady Kier Kirby Hello -- Willi Ninja Not A Mutant Turtle -- Tricia Rose Nobody Wants a Part-Time Mother: An Interview with Willi Ninja -- Sarah Thornton Moral Panic, The Media and British Rave Culture -- George Yúdice The Funkification of Rio -- Rock. Rituals and Rights -- Robert Christgau Rah, Rah, Sis-Boom-Bah: The Secret Relationship Between College Rock and the Communist Party -- Donna Gaines Border Crossing in the U.S.A. -- Robert Walser Highbrow, Lowbrow, Voodoo Aesthetics -- Joanne Gottlieb and Gayle Wald Smells Like Teen Spirit: Riot Grrrls, Revolution and Women in Independent Rock -- Contributor Notes.

В предлагаемой статье определено содержание модернизации в узком и широком смысле, рассмотрены этапы и формы модернизации, выделена экономическая модернизация и охарактеризованы формы ее политического обеспечения. Особое внимание уделено феномену авторитарного модернизма. Деятельность правительства, пришедшего к власти в результате «Революции роз» в Грузии, охарактеризована как авторитарное правление, проанализированы реформы, проведенные им в сфере экономики. Показан их противоречивый характер, изучены причины поражения авторитарного модернизма в Грузии и его возможные последствия с точки зрения перспектив развития страны.The work defines the content of modernization in a narrow and broad sense, examines the stages and forms of modernization, identifies the economic modernization and characterizes the forms of its political support. Particular attention is paid to the phenomenon of authoritarian modernism. The activities of the government that came to power as a result of the "Rose Revolution" in Georgia are characterized as authoritarian rule and analyzed the reforms they carried out in the economic sphere. Their contradictory character is shown, the reasons for the defeat of authoritarian modernism in Georgia and its possible consequences from the perspective of the development of the country are studied.

Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union independent country of Georgia was faced ultimate challenges both in internal as well as foreign political spheres. Leader of the national movement and the first president of the Republic Zviad Gamsakhurdia was found victim of international isolation. Pro-European course of Georgia is connected to the presidency of Eduard Shevardnadze, former foreign minister of the Soviet Union, whose political project was to push Georgia to full membership of Euro Atlantic organizations. These tendencies became even stronger since 2003, after the "Rose Revolution", under the government of the third president of Georgia Mikheil Saakashvili. In parallel with achievements on the way of Euro Integration anti-Western feelings were gradually emerged and strengthened in the Georgian public discourse. The successes in the pro-European politics and attempts to ratify the European legislative and constitutional norms were accompanied with protests supported by some public and political figures. The paper aims at analysing controversial nature of the process of Georgia's European Integration with its under streams and flows what have been making the process complicated.

Since the 2003 Rose Revolution, the Georgian government implemented a number of major institutional reforms which have succeeded in modernising Georgia's state institutions, reducing corruption and 'formalising' the public sector. While the effects of Saakashvili's reforms on state and institution-building, corruption and the rule of law have been examined by a large and growing body of academic literature, there has been little discussion about the impact of institutional changes on the previously widespread culture of informality in Georgia. This article explores the effects of Georgian institution-building from such aspects of informality as the use of informal networks and connections in exchanges of favours, gift-giving and other types of informal activities. The findings of this study, based on the analysis of recent surveys and in-depth interviews, conclude that the reforms succeeded in undermining the overall importance of informal practices in dealings with state bureaucracy, education system, healthcare, law enforcement, judiciary and some other areas previously dominated by informality. However, the reliance on informality did not disappear, and informal networks are still employed as coping mechanisms and as social safety nets.

Abstract. This article examines how the European Union (EU) has contributed to Security Sector Reform (SSR) in Georgia. SSR is a relatively new concept, which aims at creating a secure environment that is linked with democratic norms and institutions and which encompasses all the sectors and actors related to a state's security and not only defence or intelligence forces. The European Security Strategy (ESS) identifies SSR as one of the main new possible missions of the EU's foreign policy. Looking at the diverse EU programmes undertaken in Georgia and norms transference, the paper evaluates to what degree the EU has contributed to Georgian SSR, especially since the 2003 Rose Revolution. It is argued that in SSR the EU acts mainly as a 'transmission belt' of international norms and through bilateral ad hoc programmes. These results also show how the EU has increased its profile as a security provider, especially in the support of Georgian border management, and how the EU can become a security provider in areas of soft security such as judicial and law enforcement or police reform.