Suchergebnisse

The dissolution of the great Soviet empire & the demise of the socialist system in the Soviet Union & Eastern Europe has undoubtedly been one of the most significant political developments at the turn of the 20th century. Whether this was brought about by international factors or by the internal cave-in of the system has been the subject of numerous & extensive analyses. It is obvious that the geostrategic shifts & the completely altered position of the new state (the Russian Federation) have made it necessary to look into the political aspects of the problem. That Russia is not faced with an imminent threat from abroad is certainly an extraordinary change, unprecedented in the long Russian history. This particularly applies to the western Russian borders, which used to be almost continually threatened. Political relations that have been developing between Russia & the West, despite all the obstacles, have been improving, & both sides demonstrate a willingness to continue with this trend. Adapted from the source document.

The author firstly examines cultural & historical potentials of Russia, analyzing them in their positive & negative aspects. Western ability to fully confront contemporary problems is then challenged through a brief account of the cultural crisis in its society in order to establish, through an analysis of the specific reception of that crisis in Russia, whether it can offer new, fresh &/or different solutions to global problems. Finally, basic Russian cultural & political values are depicted through the history of their actions globally & the power & significance of those values is defended as exceptionally fruitful for appliance to the contemporary socio-political situation, as to the challenges that lay before the global society in the future. References. Adapted from the source document.

Ruski inozemni turizam poznat je na svjetskom turističkom tržištu. Izvoz turističkih usluga u Rusiju zabranjen je sankcijama za ekonomije mnogih zemalja. U današnje vrijeme prisutne su nove tendencije koje bi trebale radikalno promijeniti strukturu ruskog domaćeg turizma i utjecati na inozemni turizam. Za to postoje vanjski i unutarnji tržišni i politički razlozi. U Rusiji država potiče razvoj domaćeg turizma različitim programima i strategijom njegova razvoja. Poduzetničke aktivnosti, konkurencija, investicija u turizam i turistička infrastruktura također su u porastu. U današnjoj Rusiji vidljiva je promjena od "inozemnog turizma" prema "domaćem turizmu". Ovo posljednje donosi dodatne prihode ruskim regijama. Sadašnja ekonomska i politička situacija doprinosi tom procesu. Pad prihoda uzrokovan ekonomskom krizom prisiljava Ruse da manje putuju u inozemstvo, a raste broj putnika u domaće jeftinije destinacije. Suočena s ekonomskim sankcijama ruska državna tijela traže unutrašnje investicije i mogućnosti smanjenja troškova uvoza. Počeli su više pažnje posvećivati domaćem turizmu. Pod sloganom "supstitucija uvoza" i "protusankcije" neke restrikcije koje utječu na međunarodni turizam, preferencije prema domaćem turizmu i stimulacija potražnje elaborirane su u ovom radu. Također i restrikcije inozemnog turizma kao i zabrana stranim kompanijama da djeluju na ruskom turističkom tržištu postali su politički faktor. Pad ruskog inozemnog turizma jača konkurenciju među svojim destinacijama, a povezano je i s Republikom Hrvatskom. Broj ruskih turista u Hrvatskoj pada iz godine u godinu. S jedne strane to može imati negativan utjecaj na hrvatsko turističko tržište, a s druge strane može otvoriti nove mogućnosti za pronalaženje načina da se privuče više posjetitelja iz Hrvatske. Smatramo da to može biti u interesu Hrvatske. ; Russian outbound tourism is well noticed in the World Tourist Market. Exporting tourist services to Russia has been the boon for the economies of many countries. Nowadays new tendencies are being revealed which should radically change the structure of Russian national tourism and influence the International tourism. There are outer and inner, market and political reasons for that. In Russia the government supports the inner and inbound tourism by means of programs and the strategy of its development. Entrepreneurial activities, competition, investment in tourism and tourist infrastructure are growing as well. In nowadays Russia the shift from "The industry of outbound tourism" to "The industry of national tourism" is well seen. The latter brings additional revenues to Russian regions. Current economic and political situation is contributing to this process. The economic-crisis-related decline in incomes pushes Russians to travel abroad less and instead increases the number of travelers within the country to cheaper destinations. Facing economic sanctions Russian authorities search for inner investment and the possibilities to reduce the cost of import. They started paying more attention to inner tourism. Under the slogans of "import-substitution" and "counter-sanctions" some restrictions on outbound tourism, preferences for the national tourism industry, and stimulation of consumers' demand were elaborated in this paper. Also the outbound tourism restrictions, prohibition for some foreign companies to act on Russian tourist market became a political factor. The decline of Russian outbound tourism strengthens the competition among its destinations. It is related to Republic of Croatia. The number of Russian visitors to Croatia declines from year to year. On the one hand it may have negative influence on Croatian tourist market, on the other – it opens new possibilities to find ways to attract more visitors from Russia. We suppose that it may be in the interest of Croatia.

Domaća politička dinamika, razjedinjenost i preusmjereni prioriteti EU-a, kao i smanjenje geostrateške uloge u NATO-u potaknuli su Tursku na to da se okrene prema novome političkom modelu u kojemu u vanjskoj politici potpuno prevladavaju suženi nacionalni interesi. Potraga za fleksibilnim savezništvima sa zapadnim suparnicima iznjedrila je odnose koji su više transakcijske prirode. Turska, naime, drži kako su njezine tradicionalne veze sa zapadnim svijetom neravnopravne te povremeno čak štete njezinim interesima. Odnosi Ankare sa SAD-om i EU-om nikada nisu bili na visokoj razini, od čega je Rusija oduvijek imala najveću korist. U tursko-ruskom "braku iz koristi" Rusija je uvelike moćniji partner pa Turska neprekidno teži važnijoj ulozi na Bliskom istoku, Balkanu, Kavkazu, u Srednjoj Aziji i nekim dijelovima Afrike. U želji za povećanjem svojeg utjecaja na tim područjima, ona se služi svim raspoloživim sredstvima. S obzirom na svoje ambiciozno vodstvo, kooperativna gospodarska politika postala je isključivija i usredotočena na smanjenje sigurnosnih prijetnji. Zbog svega toga zemlja je suočena s brojnim akterima na različitim razinama, uključujući i globalne "teškaše". ; Following domestic political dynamics, disunity and redirected priorities of the EU and decreasing in its NATO geostrategic role, Turkey turned to new policy norm where narrowed national interests gained absolute dominance in foreign relations. The ensuing quest for flexible alliances with Western rivals has generated more transactional and compartmentalized relationships with Western powers as Turkey considers its traditional ties with them as unequal and at times unfavorable to its interests. From historic low points in relations with US and EU, more often benefits Russia as a more powerful partner in 'marriage of convenience' with Turkey. Turkey in regions as Middle East, Balkan, Caucasus, Central Asia and some part of Africa, aims for a larger role and persistently builds its capacity to influence events. The ambitious leadership and the transformation of the cooperative and economically based Turkish policy to one more exclusive and security-oriented, confronted Turkey with a myriad of actors of various scales including global heavyweights.

Ovaj rad bavi se ostvarivanjem neovisnosti Kosova i Abhazije te uspoređuje ta dva slučaja ističući ključne prednosti i nedostatke borbe za neovisnost i međunarodno priznanje Kosova i Abhazije. Većina današnjih država stvorena je u posljednjih stotinjak godina kao rezultat procesa dekolonizacije i raspada multietničkih država. Velike svjetske sile, ponajprije SAD i Rusija, u slomu jednih i stvaranju novih država vide svoju šansu za širenje utjecaja i jačanje moći držeći se maksime, koja se pripisuje Machiavelliju, da cilj opravdava sredstvo, dok se međunarodno pravo vješto zaobilazi, a politički saveznici samo slijede politike koje diktiraju ti centri moći. Rad donosi kratak povijesni pregled izgradnje kosovske i abhaske države i analizira momente koji su ključni za njihov status danas. ; This paper deals with the issue of achieving the independence of Kosovo and Abkhazia, and compares their cases, highlighting the advantages and disadvantages that are crucial in achieving independence and establishing sovereignty over their territory, as well as gaining international subjectivity. Through the 20th and at the very beginning of the 21st century, most of the states known today were created. Most of them were created by the process of decolonization, but there are also those states that fought for independence by separating from multinational state communities, which ceased to exist after the mentioned secession. This left many questions open. Some of their successors were immediately guaranteed independence, while others had to fight both with arms and through diplomatic channels to reach the desired status of an independent state. The great world powers, in this case primarily the US and Russia, saw in these state breakdowns and the creation of new ones their chance to expand their influence and increase their own power in a historical period that we can freely call the Second Cold War, if the first ceased at all. These great powers, according to the famous Italian Niccolo Machiavelli and the proposition that the ...

Mirne pobune protiv sirijskog predsjednika koje su započele 2011. s vremenom su prerasle u oružani sukob, a zatim i u građanski rat koji do dana današnjeg ne jenjava. Vrlo brzo je privukao i brojne regionalne, ali i međunarodne aktere. Iako se na početku činilo kako će sirijski predsjednik vrlo brzo morati napustiti svoju funkciju, to se nije dogodilo. Zahvaljujući ruskoj vojnoj intervenciji 2015. vratio je kontrolu nad većinom sirijskog teritorija te na taj način osigurao svoju daljnju vlast. Cilj ovoga rada jest prikazati rusku intervenciju u Sirijskom građanskom ratu kao dio nove ruske vanjske politike, odnosno novoga ruskog intervencionizma. Politika koja je započeta intervencijom u Gruziji, a zatim nastavljena u Ukrajini činom aneksije Krima, svoj nastavak dobiva upravo na teritoriju Sirije. Kako ćemo vidjeti kroz rad upravo se ova politika pokazala ključnom za vraćanje Rusiji statusa globalne sile. ; Peaceful uprisings against the Syrian president that began in 2011., over the time escalated into an armed conflict, and then into a civil war that has not abated to this day. It quickly attracted numerous regional and international actors. Although at first it seemed that the Syrian president would have to leave his funcion very soon, this did not happen. Thanks to Russian military intervention in 2015, he regained majority control over Syrian territory and thus secured his further rule. The aim of this paper was to present Russian intervention in the Syrian civil war as a part of a new Russian foreign policy, the policy of interventionism. The policy, which began with the intervention in Georgia, and then continued in Ukraine and the act of annexation of Crimea, gets its continuation on the territory of Syria. As we will see further, it is precisely this policy that has proved crucial for restoring Russia's global power status.

Odnosi Rusije i Srbije od raspada Sovjetskog Saveza i SFR Jugoslavije aktualno je pitanje ne samo o budućnosti Srbije nego dometa i intenziteta utjecaja zapadnih integracija i/ili Rusije na Zapadnom Balkanu i JI Europi. Odnosi između Srbije i Rusije analizirani su s obzirom na pitanje smetaju li oni ulasku Srbije u EU i NATO. Analiza je podijeljena na razdoblje od 1991. do 2000. i poslije 2000. godine pri čemu su posebno izdvojene teme oko kojih se najintenzivnije razvijao odnos koji je u pitanju. Intenzitet odnosa između dvije zemlje promatran je prvenstveno kao posljedica pojedinačnih odnosa obje zemlje sa Zapadom, prvenstveno sa Sjedinjenim Državama i EU, pa se i oni analiziraju. Iako se kroz literaturu i pojedinačne događaje ne pokazuju jedinstvena mišljenja i informacije, zajedno pružaju temelj za zaključak da je ulazak Srbije u zapadne integracije, osim ulazak u NATO u određenom stupnju, prvenstveno određen pragmatičnim interesima Srbije, a ne Rusije kojoj je Srbija jednako tako interesna zona samo u pogledu aktualnih pragmatičnih pitanja, a ne nekog iracionalnog, sudbinskog savezništva. ; The relationship between Serbia and Russia since the break-up of Yugoslavia and the dissolution of the Soviet Union is a very timely topic of discussion: Beyond the political and economic future of Serbia, it bears on the scope and intensity of Western integration throughout the Balkans and SE Europe. To this end, contemporary Serbo-Russian relations are analyzed in terms of their potential impact on Serbia joining the EU and NATO. The analysis is divided into two periods, 1991-2000 and post-2000. The more critical issues in bilateral relations are emphasized. Understanding each country's separate relationship with the West -- particularly the USA and EU -- is an essential part of this analysis. Contradictory conclusions may be reached when arguments advanced in the literature or individual geo-political events are considered in isolation; but when available information is combined, there is a basis for concluding that ...

Uspostava novih političkih sustava u Srednjoj i Istočnoj Europi nakon pada komunističkih režima značila je i izbor novog sustava vlasti umjesto dotad proklamiranog skupštinskog. Stajalište ustavotvoraca o potrebi snažne institucije predsjednika države tijekom procesa tranzicije, te odnos snaga između različitih aktera u političkoj areni, rezultirali su uspostavom polupredsjedničkog sustava u mnogima od tih zemalja. U Rusiji i Poljskoj su s prvim promjenama ustava prihvaćeni neki elementi, a zatim i čitav koncept semiprezidencijalizma. Ustavni modeli u te dvije zemlje u skladu su s kriterijima polupredsjedničkih sustava – posjeduju dualnu strukturu izvršne vlasti, te fi ksni mandat predsjednika države izabranog na općim izborima i politički neodgovornog parlamentu. Politička je praksa u njima u posljednjih petnaestak godina pokazivala različite učinke uspostavljenog sustava. U Rusiji je predsjednik države dominirao političkim sustavom u tolikoj mjeri da je sustav u praksi bio predsjednički, dok su u Poljskoj ustavne promjene iz 1990., 1992. i 1997. godine rezultirale promjenom odnosa snaga unutar dualne strukture izvršne vlasti. ; The establishment of new political systems in Central and Eastern Europe after the collapse of communist regimes implied a decision on a new system of government instead of the earlier proclaimed assembly system. The position of the framers of the Constitution on the need for a strong institution of state presidency during the transition process, and the correlation of forces between diff erent actors in the political arena, have resulted in the establishment of the semi-presidential system in many of these countries. In Russia and Poland, with the fi rst modifi cations of their Constitutions, some elements of semi-presidentialism were adopted, and then the whole concept of semi-presidentialism has been accepted. The constitutional models in the two countries are compatible with the criteria of semi-presidential systems – they have a dual structure of the executive branch of government ...

Narančasta revolucija u Ukrajini 2004. godine za prozapadno i prodemokratski orijentirane građane i Zapad tada je tumačena kao pobjeda demokracije u toj zemlji. Proruski orijentirano stanovništvo i Rusija predstavljali su je kao državni udar. Ovaj se rad bavi značenjem Narančaste revolucije za demokratizaciju Ukrajine. O stupnju realizacije njenih ciljeva govori se kroz prikaz izbornih događaja iz 2004,. naknadnih promjena vlasti i Druge revolucije. Posebna se pozornost poklanja političkom djelovanju Viktora Juščenka, Julije Timošenko i Viktora Janukoviča kao vođa političkih stranaka koje su najzaslužnije za provođenje ili odmak od ideja o demokratizaciji Ukrajine kojima je vođena Narančasta revolucija. ; Ukraine's "Orange Revolution" in 2004 was interpreted differently by the country's Western- and Eastern-oriented populations and by their international counterparts. The West saw it as a win for democracy, whereas the pro-Russian population and Russia presented it as a coup d'état. The present paper addresses the significance of the Orange Revolution in the democratization of Ukraine. The degree to which its goals have been realized is considered in the aftermath of the elections in 2004, the subsequent multiple changes in the government, and the Second Revolution. Special attention is paid to the political actions of Viktor Yushchenko, Yulia Tymoshenko, and Viktor Yanukovych, the leaders of the most prominent parties at the time. They were most responsible for realisation or the departure from the goals of democratization of Ukraine that motivated the Orange Revolution.