Suchergebnisse

The master's work describes dynamics of European Union political relations with the USA and Russia in 1990-2016. The presumption is made that politic and economic relations are inseparable in today's world. It is also considered that political decisions made in states has a visible influence for state economy. The first section quite consistently describes the theoretical part of work. This section is used to define the concept of terminology. International Political Economy theories were identified and applied for each selected research object. The model of International Relations was created in this section for understanding this complex academic approach. Classified theories helped to identify main approach of IR which was the base for further analysis. Each major theory of International Political Economy was integrated with selected states political models. The second part thoroughly describes the EU political relations with USA and Russia. Methodology is discussed in this chapter. Initially, it discusses a methodology and selected explanatory indicators used in the selection of the final project in the longer part of the study. The analyze of adopted resolutions and importance for transatlantic cooperations is deeply analyzed in this section. This chapter underlines the stability of political relations, both sides willingness to cooperate and to develop both political and economic relations. This section is also used for a distinction of important agreements that allow the further development of cooperation. In the light of today's events in the world, this chapter focus on Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership agreement. The positive effect on economic stability and political cooperation were identified. The rest part of this chapter is used to analyze in detail quite problematic relations between the Eu and Russia. Much attention is paid to the problems which have caused difficult political and economic cooperation. The huge attention is paid for the presidency of Vladimir Putin because of the notable changes in Russia's approach to the EU. Putin's policy defines the main characteristic features which can not be ignored. The model of essential difference promoters was created. Particular attention is given to the European Union and the United States sanctions against Russia. This chapter analyze in details the reasons for sanctions adaptation and their impact on the Russian economy. Also in this section is identified and analyzed how the European Union works as a unit consisting of 28 different countries. The biggest attention is paid for reasons weakening the impact of sanctions

The master's work describes dynamics of European Union political relations with the USA and Russia in 1990-2016. The presumption is made that politic and economic relations are inseparable in today's world. It is also considered that political decisions made in states has a visible influence for state economy. The first section quite consistently describes the theoretical part of work. This section is used to define the concept of terminology. International Political Economy theories were identified and applied for each selected research object. The model of International Relations was created in this section for understanding this complex academic approach. Classified theories helped to identify main approach of IR which was the base for further analysis. Each major theory of International Political Economy was integrated with selected states political models. The second part thoroughly describes the EU political relations with USA and Russia. Methodology is discussed in this chapter. Initially, it discusses a methodology and selected explanatory indicators used in the selection of the final project in the longer part of the study. The analyze of adopted resolutions and importance for transatlantic cooperations is deeply analyzed in this section. This chapter underlines the stability of political relations, both sides willingness to cooperate and to develop both political and economic relations. This section is also used for a distinction of important agreements that allow the further development of cooperation. In the light of today's events in the world, this chapter focus on Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership agreement. The positive effect on economic stability and political cooperation were identified. The rest part of this chapter is used to analyze in detail quite problematic relations between the Eu and Russia. Much attention is paid to the problems which have caused difficult political and economic cooperation. The huge attention is paid for the presidency of Vladimir Putin because of the notable changes in Russia's approach to the EU. Putin's policy defines the main characteristic features which can not be ignored. The model of essential difference promoters was created. Particular attention is given to the European Union and the United States sanctions against Russia. This chapter analyze in details the reasons for sanctions adaptation and their impact on the Russian economy. Also in this section is identified and analyzed how the European Union works as a unit consisting of 28 different countries. The biggest attention is paid for reasons weakening the impact of sanctions

The master's work describes dynamics of European Union political relations with the USA and Russia in 1990-2016. The presumption is made that politic and economic relations are inseparable in today's world. It is also considered that political decisions made in states has a visible influence for state economy. The first section quite consistently describes the theoretical part of work. This section is used to define the concept of terminology. International Political Economy theories were identified and applied for each selected research object. The model of International Relations was created in this section for understanding this complex academic approach. Classified theories helped to identify main approach of IR which was the base for further analysis. Each major theory of International Political Economy was integrated with selected states political models. The second part thoroughly describes the EU political relations with USA and Russia. Methodology is discussed in this chapter. Initially, it discusses a methodology and selected explanatory indicators used in the selection of the final project in the longer part of the study. The analyze of adopted resolutions and importance for transatlantic cooperations is deeply analyzed in this section. This chapter underlines the stability of political relations, both sides willingness to cooperate and to develop both political and economic relations. This section is also used for a distinction of important agreements that allow the further development of cooperation. In the light of today's events in the world, this chapter focus on Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership agreement. The positive effect on economic stability and political cooperation were identified. The rest part of this chapter is used to analyze in detail quite problematic relations between the Eu and Russia. Much attention is paid to the problems which have caused difficult political and economic cooperation. The huge attention is paid for the presidency of Vladimir Putin because of the notable changes in Russia's approach to the EU. Putin's policy defines the main characteristic features which can not be ignored. The model of essential difference promoters was created. Particular attention is given to the European Union and the United States sanctions against Russia. This chapter analyze in details the reasons for sanctions adaptation and their impact on the Russian economy. Also in this section is identified and analyzed how the European Union works as a unit consisting of 28 different countries. The biggest attention is paid for reasons weakening the impact of sanctions

The identification of macro-regions inside the EU is related to geographical and political aspects. Countries' participation in the EU strategy is linked to certain interests of states which are commonly related to geography and distance from the Baltic Sea. This thesis explores the participation of Norway, Iceland and Russia in the EU strategy for the Baltic Sea region. The aim of the thesis is to identify the effectiveness of the participation of those countries and disclose various reasons of such cooperation, by using systematic comparative analysis and criteria.

The identification of macro-regions inside the EU is related to geographical and political aspects. Countries' participation in the EU strategy is linked to certain interests of states which are commonly related to geography and distance from the Baltic Sea. This thesis explores the participation of Norway, Iceland and Russia in the EU strategy for the Baltic Sea region. The aim of the thesis is to identify the effectiveness of the participation of those countries and disclose various reasons of such cooperation, by using systematic comparative analysis and criteria.

The identification of macro-regions inside the EU is related to geographical and political aspects. Countries' participation in the EU strategy is linked to certain interests of states which are commonly related to geography and distance from the Baltic Sea. This thesis explores the participation of Norway, Iceland and Russia in the EU strategy for the Baltic Sea region. The aim of the thesis is to identify the effectiveness of the participation of those countries and disclose various reasons of such cooperation, by using systematic comparative analysis and criteria.

Clan Struggle for Power – the Relation Between Domestic and Foreign Policy in Russia This thesis analyses the effect of clans on the Russian foreign policy formation. Based on the systematic process analysis method, the neo-classical theory of realism is used to trace the chain of causal relationships in which the clan's struggle is influencing foreign policy formation. The synthesis of neo-realism and state capacity analysis complements the approach of neoclassical realism theory. It is argued that the cluster of the leader images, where the role of clans is fundamental, plays an important role in the formation of Russian foreign policy. The struggle of the clans to establish themselves in the structures of the Russian government was the cornerstone of the transformation from pragmatist and a multipolar approach to the Russian foreign policy into a transimperialist approach.

Clan Struggle for Power – the Relation Between Domestic and Foreign Policy in Russia This thesis analyses the effect of clans on the Russian foreign policy formation. Based on the systematic process analysis method, the neo-classical theory of realism is used to trace the chain of causal relationships in which the clan's struggle is influencing foreign policy formation. The synthesis of neo-realism and state capacity analysis complements the approach of neoclassical realism theory. It is argued that the cluster of the leader images, where the role of clans is fundamental, plays an important role in the formation of Russian foreign policy. The struggle of the clans to establish themselves in the structures of the Russian government was the cornerstone of the transformation from pragmatist and a multipolar approach to the Russian foreign policy into a transimperialist approach.

Clan Struggle for Power – the Relation Between Domestic and Foreign Policy in Russia This thesis analyses the effect of clans on the Russian foreign policy formation. Based on the systematic process analysis method, the neo-classical theory of realism is used to trace the chain of causal relationships in which the clan's struggle is influencing foreign policy formation. The synthesis of neo-realism and state capacity analysis complements the approach of neoclassical realism theory. It is argued that the cluster of the leader images, where the role of clans is fundamental, plays an important role in the formation of Russian foreign policy. The struggle of the clans to establish themselves in the structures of the Russian government was the cornerstone of the transformation from pragmatist and a multipolar approach to the Russian foreign policy into a transimperialist approach.

Clan Struggle for Power – the Relation Between Domestic and Foreign Policy in Russia This thesis analyses the effect of clans on the Russian foreign policy formation. Based on the systematic process analysis method, the neo-classical theory of realism is used to trace the chain of causal relationships in which the clan's struggle is influencing foreign policy formation. The synthesis of neo-realism and state capacity analysis complements the approach of neoclassical realism theory. It is argued that the cluster of the leader images, where the role of clans is fundamental, plays an important role in the formation of Russian foreign policy. The struggle of the clans to establish themselves in the structures of the Russian government was the cornerstone of the transformation from pragmatist and a multipolar approach to the Russian foreign policy into a transimperialist approach.

The dissertation examines US democracy protection policy carried out in three post-Soviet countries that had been just moved away from autocratic rule: Russia in 1991-1996; Georgia in 2003-2008; and Ukraine in 2004-2009. It aims to answer the question whether US policy increased or decreased the likelihood of democratic consolidation in new democracies. Based on theoretical insights from the disciplines of both comparative politics and international relations, two novel research instruments are developed: the 'two scales' model and the concept of pragmatic democracy protection policy. By employing these two research instruments, it is revealed that US national security interests have had a distorting impact on US democracy protection policy towards Russia, Georgia and Ukraine. Due to its interest in the cooperation with leaders in power, the US did not apply the principal of democratic conditionality in bilateral relations with the three post-Soviet countries and did not deter the non-democratic behaviour of their governments. Such US policy decreased the likelihood of democratic consolidation. Furthermore, US security interests corrupted US-funded democracy assistance programmes in two out of three cases (in Russia and Georgia). Instead of enabling the opposition and civil society in new democracies, these programmes increased the asymmetry of political playing field and limited the capability of civil society to control the government. This also decreased the likelihood of the consolidation of new democracies.

The dissertation examines US democracy protection policy carried out in three post-Soviet countries that had been just moved away from autocratic rule: Russia in 1991-1996; Georgia in 2003-2008; and Ukraine in 2004-2009. It aims to answer the question whether US policy increased or decreased the likelihood of democratic consolidation in new democracies. Based on theoretical insights from the disciplines of both comparative politics and international relations, two novel research instruments are developed: the 'two scales' model and the concept of pragmatic democracy protection policy. By employing these two research instruments, it is revealed that US national security interests have had a distorting impact on US democracy protection policy towards Russia, Georgia and Ukraine. Due to its interest in the cooperation with leaders in power, the US did not apply the principal of democratic conditionality in bilateral relations with the three post-Soviet countries and did not deter the non-democratic behaviour of their governments. Such US policy decreased the likelihood of democratic consolidation. Furthermore, US security interests corrupted US-funded democracy assistance programmes in two out of three cases (in Russia and Georgia). Instead of enabling the opposition and civil society in new democracies, these programmes increased the asymmetry of political playing field and limited the capability of civil society to control the government. This also decreased the likelihood of the consolidation of new democracies.

The dissertation examines US democracy protection policy carried out in three post-Soviet countries that had been just moved away from autocratic rule: Russia in 1991-1996; Georgia in 2003-2008; and Ukraine in 2004-2009. It aims to answer the question whether US policy increased or decreased the likelihood of democratic consolidation in new democracies. Based on theoretical insights from the disciplines of both comparative politics and international relations, two novel research instruments are developed: the 'two scales' model and the concept of pragmatic democracy protection policy. By employing these two research instruments, it is revealed that US national security interests have had a distorting impact on US democracy protection policy towards Russia, Georgia and Ukraine. Due to its interest in the cooperation with leaders in power, the US did not apply the principal of democratic conditionality in bilateral relations with the three post-Soviet countries and did not deter the non-democratic behaviour of their governments. Such US policy decreased the likelihood of democratic consolidation. Furthermore, US security interests corrupted US-funded democracy assistance programmes in two out of three cases (in Russia and Georgia). Instead of enabling the opposition and civil society in new democracies, these programmes increased the asymmetry of political playing field and limited the capability of civil society to control the government. This also decreased the likelihood of the consolidation of new democracies.

The dissertation examines US democracy protection policy carried out in three post-Soviet countries that had been just moved away from autocratic rule: Russia in 1991-1996; Georgia in 2003-2008; and Ukraine in 2004-2009. It aims to answer the question whether US policy increased or decreased the likelihood of democratic consolidation in new democracies. Based on theoretical insights from the disciplines of both comparative politics and international relations, two novel research instruments are developed: the 'two scales' model and the concept of pragmatic democracy protection policy. By employing these two research instruments, it is revealed that US national security interests have had a distorting impact on US democracy protection policy towards Russia, Georgia and Ukraine. Due to its interest in the cooperation with leaders in power, the US did not apply the principal of democratic conditionality in bilateral relations with the three post-Soviet countries and did not deter the non-democratic behaviour of their governments. Such US policy decreased the likelihood of democratic consolidation. Furthermore, US security interests corrupted US-funded democracy assistance programmes in two out of three cases (in Russia and Georgia). Instead of enabling the opposition and civil society in new democracies, these programmes increased the asymmetry of political playing field and limited the capability of civil society to control the government. This also decreased the likelihood of the consolidation of new democracies.

In this article there is the analysis of specifics of the interpretation of the events of the end of the Second World War in the Russian historical politics from the point of view of the subject integration (historical, cultural-anthropological and psychological). The main concepts, defining the evaluation of the situation of the Soviet occupation of the region of Koenigsberg in Russian historical politics and culture, are presented. Also there is the analysis of the problem of the impact of the conception of the "genocide of the Lithuania Minor" on the Lithuanian historical politics. The problems, presented in the article, haven't been analyzed in complex in Lithuania so far.